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TRANS A CTIONS
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS
VOLUME XVIII.
1891-92.
3£
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TRANSACTIONS
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
VOLUME XVIII.
1891-92.
TRANSACTIONS
GAELIC SOCIETY
n*
OF INVERNESS.
VOLUME XVIII.
1891-92.
\ I
Claim nan (iaiblual an dnailUan a (£h.eiU.
PRINTED FOR THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS,
AT THE " NORTHERN CHRONICLE " OFFICE ;
AND SOLD BY JOHN NOBLE, WILLIAM MACKAY, AND A. & W. MACKENZIE,
BOOKSELLERS, INVERNESS.
1894.
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1891 OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1892
CHIEF.
J. Douglas Fletcher of Rose-
haugh.
CHIEFTAINS.
Bailie Alex. Mackenzie.
Alexander Macbain, M.A.
Councillor Wm. Gunn.
HON. SECRETARY.
William Mackay, Solicitor.
SECRETARY AND TREASURER.
Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of
Scotland.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Duncan Campbell.
Colin Chisholm.
John Macdonald.
D. H. Chisholm.
Alexander M. Ross.
LIBRARIAN.
William Eraser.
PIPER.
Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie.
BARD.
Neil Macleod, Edinburgh
CHIEF.
Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie, Bart.
of Gairloch.
CHIEFTAINS.
Rev. Dr Norman Macleod.
John L. Robertson.
Duncan Campbell.
HON. SECRETARY.
William Mackay, Solicitor.
SECRETARY AND TREASURER.
Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of
Scotland.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Alex. Macbain, M.A.
A. M. Ross.
Wm. Macdonald.
Ex-Bailie Alex. Mackenzie.
John Mackenzie.
LIBRARIAN.
William Fraser.
PIPER.
Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie,
BARD.
Neil Macleod, Edinburgh.
COMUNN GAELIC INBHIR-NIS.
CO-SHUIDHBACHADH.
1. 'S e ainm a' Chomuinn " COMUNN GAILIG INBHIR-NIS."
*
2. 'S e tha an run a' Chomuinn : — Na buill a dheanamh
iomlan 's a' Ghailig ; cinneas Canaine, Bardachd agus Ciuil na
Gaidhealtachd ; Bardachd, Seanachas, Sgeulachd, Leabhraicheaii
agus Sgriobhanna 's a' chaiiain sin a thearnadh o dhearmad ;
Leabhar-lann a chur suas ami am baile Inbhir-Nis de leabhraichibh
agus sgriobhannaibh — ann an canain sam bith — a bhuineas do
Chaileachd, lonnsachadh, Eachdraidheachd agus Sheanachasaibh
nan Gaidheal no do thairbhe na Gaidhealtachd ; coir agus cliu nan
Gaidheal a dhion ; agus na Gaidheil a shoirbheachadh a ghna ge
b'e ait' am bi iad.
3. 'S iad a bhitheas 'nam buill, cuideachd a tha gabhail suim
do runtaibh a' Chomuinn ; a^us so mar gheibh iad a staigh : —
Tairgidh aon bhall an t-iarradair, daingnichidh ball eile an tairgse,
agus, aig an ath choinneimh, ma roghnaicheas a' mhor-chuid le
crannchur, nithear ball dhith-se no dheth-san cho luath 's a
phaidhear an comh-thoirt; cuirear crainn le ponair dhubh agus
gheal, ach, gu so bhi dligheach, feumadh tri buill dheug an crann
a chur. Feudaidh an Comunn Urram Cheannardan a thoirt do
urrad 'us seachd daoine cliuiteach.
4. Paidhidh Ball Urramach, 'sa' bhliadhna . £0 10 6
Ball Cumanta * . . . .050
Foghlainte . . . . .010
Agus ni Ball-beatha aon chomh-thoirt de . 770
5. 'S a' cheud-mhios, gach bliadhna, roghnaichear, le crainn,
Co-chomhairle a riaghlas gnothuichean a' Chomuinn, 's e sin — aon
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
CONSTITUTION.
1. The Society shall be called the " GAELIC SOCIETY OF
INVERNESS."
2. The objects of the Society are the perfecting of the Mem-
bers in the use of the Gaelic language ; the cultivation of the
language, poetry, and music of the Scottish Highlands ; the res-
cuing from oblivion of Celtic Poetry, traditions, legends, books,
and manuscripts ; the establishing in Inverness of a library, to
consist of books and manuscripts, in whatever language, bearing
upon the genius, the literature, the history, the antiquities, and
the material interests of the Highlands and Highland people ; the
vindication of the rights and character of the Gaelic people ; and,
generally, the furtherance of their interests whether at home or
abroad.
3. The Society shall consist of persons who take a lively in-
terest in its objects. Admission to be as follows : — The candidate
shall be proposed 'by one member, seconded by another, balloted
for at the next meeting, and, if he or she have a majority of votes
and have paid the subscription, be declared a member. The ballot
shall be taken with black beans and white ; and no election shall
be valid unless thirteen members vote. The Society has power to
elect distinguished men as Honorary Chieftains to the number of
seven.
4. The Annual Subscription shall be, for —
Honorary Members . ... . <£0 10 6
Ordinary Members . . . ..050
Apprentices . . . . . .010
A Life Member shall make one payment of . 770
5. The management of the affairs of the Society shall be en-
trusted to a Council, chosen annually, by ballot, in the month of
Vlll. CO-SHUIDHEACHADH.
Cheann, tri [ar-chinn, Cleireach Urramach, Hiiuaire,. lonmhasair,
agus coig l)iiill eile — feumaidh iad uile Gailig a thuigsinn 's a
ohruidhinn ; agus ni coigear dhiubh coinneamh.
6. Cumar coiinieainhan a' Chomuinn gach seachduin o thois-
each an Deicheamh mios gu deireadh Mhairt, agus gach ceithir-
la-deug o thoiseach Ghiblein gu deireadh an Naothamh-mios. 'S
i a' Ghailig a labhrar gach .oidhche mu'n seach aig a' chuid a's
lugha.
7. Cuiridh a' (Jho-chomhairle la air loth anus an t-Seachdamh-
mios air-son Coinneamh Bhliadhnail aig an cuniar Co-dheuchaiuii
agus air an toirear duaisean air-son Piobaireachd 'us ciuil Ghaidh-
ealach eile ; anus an fheasgar bithidh cojheuchainn air Leughadh
agus aithris Bardachd agus Rosg nuadh agus taghta ; an deigh sin
cumar Cuirni chuidheachdail aig am faigh nitho Gaidhealach rogh-
ainn 'sail uirghioll, ach gun roinn a dhiultadh dhaibh-san nach tuig
Gailig. Giulainear cosdas na co-dheuchainne le trusadh sonraichte
a dheannamh agus cuideachadh iarraidh o 'n t-sluagh.
8. Cha deanar atharrachadh sam bith air coimh-dhealbhadh
a' Chomuinn gun aontachadh dha thrian de na'm bheil de luchd-
bruidhinn Gailig air a' chlar-ainm. Ma 's miann atharrachadh a
dheanamh is eiginn sin a chur an ceill do gach ball, mios, aig a'
chuid a's lugha, roirnh'n choinneimh a dh'fheudas an t-atharrachadh
a dheanamh Feudaidh ball nach bi a lathair roghnachadh le
lamh-aithne.
9. Taghaidh an (1omunn Bard, Piobaire, agus Fear-leabhar-
lann.
Ullaichear gach Paipear agus Leughadh, agus giulainear gach
Deasboireachd le run fosgailte, duineil, durachdach air-son na
firinn, agus cuirear gach ni air aghaidh ami an spiorad caomh, glan,
agus a reir riaghailtean dearbhta.
CONSTITUTION. IX..
January, to consist of a Chief, three Chieftains, an Honorary
Secretary, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and five other Members of the
Society, all of whom shall understand and speak Gaelic ; five to
form a quorum.
6. The Society shall hold its meetings weekly from the
beginning of October to the end of March, and fortnightly from
the beginning of April to the end of September. The business
shall be carried on in Gaelic on every alternate night at least.
7. There shall be an Annual Meeting in the month of July,
the day to be named by the Committee for the time being, when
Competitions for Prizes shall take place in Pipe and other High-
land Music. In the evening there shall be Competitions in Read-
ing and Reciting Gaelic Poetry and Prose, both original and select.
After which there will be a Social Meeting, at which Gaelic sub-
jects shall have the preference, but not to such an extent as
entirely to preclude participation by persons who do not under-
stand Gaelic. The expenses of the competitions shall be defrayed
out of a special fund, to which the general public shall be invited
to siibscribe.
8. It is a fundamental rule of the Society that no part of the
Constitution shall be altered without the assent of two- thirds of
the Gaelic-speaking Members on the roll ; but if any alterations
be required, due notice of the same must be given to each member,
at least one month before the meeting takes place at which the
alteration is proposed to be made. Absent Members may vote by
mandates.
9. The Society shall elect a Bard, a Piper, and a Librarian.
All Papers and Lectures shall be prepared, and all Discussions,
carried on, with an honest, earnest, and manful desire for truth ;
and all proceedings shall be conducted in a pure and gentle spirit^
and according to the usually recognised rules.
INTRODUCTION.
THIS, the 18th Volume of the Society's Transactions contains the
work of one year and a half — from Midsummer 1891 till the mid-
session of 1893 (1st March, 1893). The departure from the rule
of publishing an annual volume is temporary : the Society's yearly
volumes were getting so far in arrear of the sessions they repre-
sented that the Publishing Committee decided to compress the
work of three years into two volumes ; more especially as a favour-
able opportunity presented itself in the unusual number of papers
of a general character with which they had to deal, and which
could be either omitted or condensed. As a consequence, our
Volume XIX. will represent the period from 1st March, 1893, to
•end of session 1893-1894 ; and it is expected that it will be in the
hands of the members by the New- Year time. Oar volumes will
t>e then abreast of our sessions. It is right to add that we owe the
two maps, which form the only extra feature of the volume, to
the courtesy and skill of Mr James Fraser, C.E., Inverness.
Since the preface, of our last volume was penned, the Society
has lost through death two or three of its most prominent
members and contributors. Sheriff Nicolson, most genial and
kindliest of men, died on the 13th January, 1893, at the age of
66. His " Gaelic Proverbs and Phrases" forms one of the most
valuable contributions ever made to the " Proverbial " philosophy
of the world ; but, in spite of this and his patriotic Highland
poetry, it is felt that he has left nothing commensurate either
with his undoubted genius or with the personal impression he left
on his contemporaries. Two months later saw the death of Mi-
Hector Maclean, folklorist and anthropologist. Mr Maclean
was J. F. Campbell's right hand man in the collection and publi-
cation of the " Popular Tales of the West Highlands," a work of
Xll. INTRODUCTION.
European fame. He was a constant contributor to our own
Transactions — there is a paper of his in this volume — as well as
to other learned societies, notably the " Journal of the Anthropo-
logical Institute." No better monument could be raised to his
memory by the Islay or any other Association than a collected
edition of his various and important papers, scattered through
periodicals, newspapers, and transactions of learned societies.
Rev. A. D. Mackenzie, late of Kilmorack, died this year ; he wag.
a Gaelic scholar of the first order, even venturing into the
dangerous quagmires of Gaelic philology.
Great activity has been shown in Highland and Gaelic literary
work during the last eighteen months^and four or five important
publications have appeared. Of Gaelic books published, we have
first to mention Rev. Mr Macrury's Eachdraidh Beatha Chriosd, a
racily written account of the life of Christ. New and much
fuller editions of earlier works have been given us in our Bard's
(Neil M'Leod's) Clarsach cm Doire and in Dain Iain Ghobha
(" Morrison's Poems") ; the former has several additional poems,
and some well told tales are appended. The latter work, of which
this is the first volume, has a laudatory biography by the editor,
Mr George Henderson, M.A. The Comunn Gaidhealach have
issued a first book of " Scottish Gaelic as a Specific Subject,"
intended for the Scotch Code. All the fore-mentioned works came
from Mr Archibald Sinclair's "Celtic Press" in Glasgow, and
reflect the highest credit on his patriotism and printing. The
second and last volume of Dr Cameron's Reliquiae Celticw has just
been publishod, and is a much more valuable and varied work
than the first. It contains the famous Fernaig MS. (see our
Vol. XL, pp. 311-339), the Red Book of Clanranald, and the
Edinburgh Turner MS. XIV., a collection of Gaelic poetry — all for
the first time printed. The Book of Clanranald is important both
as history and as Gaelic, for it represents the learned dialect of
the Scottish Gael in the 17th century. The rest of the work
contains lectures, translations, and philology : altogether an
indispensable work for the Gaelic scholar. Mr Macpherson's
" Glimpses of Church and Social Life in the North" — mainly
INTRODUCTION. Xlll.
confined to the history and traditions of Badenoch-^-has received
deservedly high praise from the press of the United Kingdom.
Mr Mackay's " Urquhart and Glenmoriston" has been justly
styled a model parish history ; the vast mass of facts, general and
local, bearing on the Parish have been well digested into a very
readable volume. It remains to add that Mr Mackenzie has
published a second edition of his "History of the Mackenzies/'
re-written, revised, and much enlarged by genealogical and historical
facts. The gentlemen who are editors or authors of the last four
important volumes referred to are active and valued members of
our Society. We regret to record the demise of the Highland
Monthly, which attempted to do for the Highlands and for Gaelic
what the other monthlies do for the general country. The Celtic
Monthly is flourishing greatly, and has increased its size and
literary weight.
The most important event in general Celtic literature is the
appearance of Dr Whitley Stokes's Celtic Etymology, unfortunately
written in the German language, and styled Urkeltischer Sprach-
schaltz. It is an extremely able work, and its new etymologies are
always striking, and often daring. Standish H. O'Grady's Silva
Gadelica is a collection of mediaeval Gaelic (Irish) stories, mostly
about the Feinn ; no Gaelic student must overlook it. Father
Hogan's edition of the "Battle of Ros-na-Ree" contains text,
translation, and vocabulary, with other important etymological
facts, of an Early Irish tale about Conchobar Mac Nessa. Dr
Hyde's " Connaught Songs," with translations, is a work that has
been received with deserved favour, and the same may be said of
Larminie's " West Irish Folk-Tales and Romances." Dr Joyce has
published the first volume of an excellent " History of Ireland,"
coming down to the 17th century ; and we are glad to see that a
new edition, with additions, has appeared of his " Celtic Romances"
(D. Nutt). In Germany and France much Celtic philological
work and textual criticism have appeared, the leading writer being
Professor Zimmer. He has also published a work to clear up the
difficulties of early British history, entitled Neunius Vindicatus,
where Neunius is more or less rehabilitated into the position of an
XIV. INTRODUCTION. '
honest historian and a real personage. The Revue Celtique still
flourishes, and we are glad to say the same of the Gaelic Journal,
edited by Professor O'Growney, Maynooth.
In regard to general Highland matters, there is little fresh to
record. The Clan Societies still flourish vigorously, Glasgow being
the head centre. Some of them do good work ; they help clans-
men newly arrived in town, and some of them offer bursaries for
educational purposes. The Clan Macdonald Society has, we
understand, even unlertaken a Clan History, which has been
entrusted to the literary care of Rev. Messrs Macdonald of Kil-
tarlity and Killearnan. We should like to see more literary work
like this undertaken — editions of claj^ bards, collected works of a
member of a clan (as those of Mrs Mackellar and Mr H. Maclean),
&c. The Government Grants to the County Councils have been
in most cavses generously applied to Technical and Secondary
Education, and the prospects of Higher Instruction in the High-
lands are much brighter than ever.
INVERNESS, June, 1894.
CONTENTS.
PACK.
Office-bearers for 1891 and 1892 . . . v.
Constitution ......... vi.
Introduction .... . . . . xi.
Nineteenth Annual Assembly 1
The Apparitions and Ghosts of the Isle of Skye — Mr
Norman Matheson ....... 8
Minor Highland Families, No. 5 — The Frasers of Foyers :
" Sliochd Huistean Frangach" — Mr Charles Fraser-
Mackintosh, M.P 17
Annual Dinner — Speeches by Mr J. Douglas Fletcher of
Rosehaugh, Mr John L. Robertson, Provost Ross, and
Mr William Mackay . . . . . . . 32
Some Highland Fishermen's Fancies — Mr A. Poison, Dun-
beath 42
The Iberians — Mr Hector Maclean, Islay . . . . 47
Stray Notes in Gaelic — Rev. John Macrury, Snizort . . 59
General Monk's Campaign in the Highlands in 1654 — Mr
William Mackay, Solicitor ... . . . 70
The Dialect of Badenoch — Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A. . . 79
-The Gaelic Incantations and Charms of the Hebrides — Mr
W. Mackenzie . 97
Sutherland Place Names — Reay and Kildonan — Mr John
Mackay, J.P., Hereford 183
On some Clan Chattan MS. Genealogies and Histories — Mr
A. Mackintosh Shaw, London ..... 208
The Early History, Legends, and Traditions of Strathardle
— Mr Charles Fergusson, Fairburn .... 229
Twentieth Annual Assembly . . . . . . 255
Xvi. CONTENTS.
PAGK.
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland — Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A. 267
The Macintyres of Glennoe— Rev. A. Maclean Sinclair . 289
Annual Dinner — Speeches by Rev. Dr Norman Macleod,
Mr William Mackay, Mr John L. Robertson, and Mr
Duncan Campbell 295
Minor Highland Families, No. 6 — The Frasers of Guisachan,
styled " MacHuistean" — Mr Charles Fraser-Mackintosh
of Drummond, M.P 309
Sutherland Place Names — Loth and Clyne — Mr Johir
Mackay, J.P., Hereford 325
Gaelic Songs of Perthshire and their Composers, Paper
No. 2— Mr Paul Cameron, Blair- A thole . . 340
Honorary Chieftains .363
Life Members . . .363
Honorary Members . , 364
Ordinary Members . . .365
Deceased Members . . . . . . . .374
List of Books in the Society's Library .... 375
TRANSACTIONS
ANNUAL ASSEMBLY.
THE Nineteenth Annual Assembly of the Society was held in
the Music Hall 011 9th July, 1891. As in former years, the plat-
form was decorated in a most artistic way, tartans, shields, clay-
mores, dirks, deers' heads, and other emblems of Highland sport
and chivalry being effectively employed. A background of
greenery set off the display with excellent effect. On this occasion
the platform was occupied by Mr W. S. Roddie's special choir, who
sustained with much credit a prominent place in the evening's
programme. Provost Ross, who wore the Highland costume,
occupied the chair, taking the place of the absent Chief, Mr Fletcher
of Rosehaugh. He was supported by Bailie Alex. Mackenzie;
Mr Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage, Inverness ; Rev. Father
Bisset, Strathcrrick ; Captain Chisholm, Glassburn ; Mr Steele,
Bank of Scotland ; Mr James Barron, editor, Inverness Courier ;
Mr Wm. Mackay, solicitor, Inverness ; Mr Alex. Mackenzie, Balli-
feary ; Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., Inverness ; ex-Bailie Stuart ;
Brigade-Surgeon Grant, Inverness ; Mr G. J. Campbell, solicitor ;
Captain Grant, Northern Bengal Mounted Infantry ; and Mr Dun.
Mackintosh, secretary of the Society. A telegram was read from
Mr Douglas Fletcher of Rosehaugh, Chieftain of the Society, in the
following terms : — "Your Chief sends his hearty greetings to the
members and friends of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, and regrets
extremely his unavoidable absence, and hopes that you will have a
very pleasant gathering."
While the company was assembling, the Society's piper, Pipe-
Major Ronald Mackenzie, played a selection of Highland airs in the
entrance lobby. Shortly after eight o'clock the proceedings com-
menced by the Secretary intimating apologies for absence from the
following gentlemen among many others : — Mr Douglas Fletcher
of Rosehaugh, Chief of the Society ; The Mackintosh ; Sir Kenneth
1
2 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Mackenzie of Gairloch ; Mr Duncan Forbes of Culloden ; Mr Baillie
of Dochfour; Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P.; Mr L. Macdonald of
Skaebost ; Professor Mackinnon ; Professor Blackie ; Mr Mac-
kenzie of Farr ; Colonel Murray, Inverness ; Major Jackson of
Swordale ; Dr Norman Macleod ; Dr Stewart, Nether-Lochaber ;
Mr Paul Cameron, Blair-Athole ; Mr Peter Burgess ; Mr A. Mac-
pherson, solicitor, Kingussie ; &c., &c.
The Chairman, in his opening remarks, said he regretted the
absence of Mr Fletcher of Rosehaugh, Chief of the Society, who
would, in due course, have filled the chair. Mr Fletcher, he said,
had written expressing his warm interest in the Society, and prov-
ing his sincerity by enclosing a cheque for £25. Mr Fletcher, at
the same time, suggested that something might be done by the
Society in the way of putting upon permanent record the lives and
works of the Gaelic writers of the presenfccentury. It appeared to
him (the Provost) that there was ample scope for their enthusiastic
literary friends to give an account of these, and their works would
be a practical history of the Gaelic literature of their times.
Unfortunately Gaelic publications and literature did not always
pay publisher or author. For example, an excellent series of
Gaelic folk-lore and folk- tales was being published in London, by
Mr David Nutt, the authors being two well-known Gaelic scholars,
Revs. Mr Machines and Mr Macdougall, and they were certainly
equal in importance and interest to Campbell's West Highland
Tales, yet the publishers had only sold 120 copies of the second
volume, although it had been out for a year. That was not as it
should be. Such donations as Mr Fletcher's would come in very
conveniently, and might help to stimulate both author and buyer.
The Provost then congratulated the Society on its twentieth
anniversary, and said that next year it would attain its majority.
He was sure they wished the kindred Society that was being got
up in Oban all success, and they hoped that it may be able to
show as good a record at the end of twenty years as the Gaelic
Society of Inverness had done. The volumes issued by their
Society were most valuable and interesting, and excited the sur-
prise and admiration of their south-country neighbours ; in fact, so
far as he knew, as the outcome of a provincial Society, they were
second to none. If time permitted, he could mention many
instances in which he had occasion to refer for information their
leading men, both in Church and in State, to the volumes of the
Gaelic Society and to the Field Club Transactions, and they had
expressed their delight and surprise at the work done. Possibly
they might have their musical and poetical department on a more
Annual Assembly. 3
practical footing, and have regular competitions on the occasion of
the annual gathering, but it was quite an open question, whether
by multiplying their aims and objects — federating with other
Societies, taking up home-made cloths and other native industries,
.and such like arrangements — they should not injure the standing
which the Society had gained as a fountain of literary and
scholastic matter. He was not one who would like to see their
local Society merged into a larger or even into a national one. He
believed their chief interest and claim to help was that they were
local and were doing local work, in respect that they dealt
exclusively with Highland lore. It would be well if that were so
recognised in their museums and like institutions. They could
best deal with local matter, and deal with it more exhaustively
than strangers could. In that way there would be a double
interest for visitors, who could see what was in their native
Highlands.
A most interesting and thoroughly Highland musical pro-
gramme was gone through, and great credit is due to Mr Roddie's
select choir for their excellent rendering of the different songs.
One of the musical gems of the evening, " Mackintosh's Lament,"
was sung by Miss Kate Fraser, with humming accompaniment by
the choir. This was the first time Cumha Mhic-an-Toisich has
been sung in Inverness to this artful arrangement of the music.
At the end of the first part of the programme, the Rev. Mr
Macgregor, Farr (now of Kilmore, Argyleshire), delivered a Gaelic
.address as follows :—
A Phrobhaist Inbhirnis, agus uaislean gu leir, — Tha mi gie
chinnteach nach ruig mi a leas maitheanas iarraidh air son
.seasamh a mach a labhairt ribhse ami an cainnt mo mhathar.
Theagamh gum bheil dream 'nur measg aig am bheil a Bheurla
.ni's deise, no feudaidh e bhi gum bheil iad an so aig nach eil facal
idir 'nan ceann ach cainnt nan Sasunnach. Gheibh sinn a Bheurla
•daonnan, ach an uair is aill leinn labhairt a mach o'n chridhe, is
eiginn do m' leithid-se dol air ar n-ais gus iia briathran a bha air
.an labhairt air feadh Albainn guleir, anns na laithean 's an tug'ur
n-aithrichean dubhlan do gach namhaid, co dhiubh thigeadh iad a
.Sasunn 'san airde Deas, no a Lochlunn 's an airde 'n Ear. Uime
sin thugaibh eisdeachd dhomh car nine bhig, gus an innis mi mo
sgeul. Anns a cheud dol a rnach tha again ri mor bhuidheachas a
thoirt do'n Chomunn Gaidhealach, air son a chuireadh a thug iad
dhomh, air son tighinn 'nur rneasg aig an am so. Cha b'e so a
cheud uair a chuir iad fios orm, ged nach do cheadaich gnoth-
uichean eile learn a bhi a lathair gus a nis. Ged is e so mo cheud
4: Gaelic Society of Inverness.
shealladh do'n Chomunn, tha dochas agam air barrachd eolais a
chur orra. Bha e riamh 'na thoil inntinn dhomh sgriob a thoirt
do phriomh bhaile na h-airde Tuaith, far am bheil daoine co
fialaidh, 's co cairdeil, 's co cneasda 's nach iarainn cuideachd a
b'fhearr re mo laithean, ged a bu bheo mi gu aois na h-iolaire no
aois a chrainn daraich. B'e sin a bha a m'bheachd, 's mi a togail
orm a crioch mu thuath Chataoibh, aig teis meadhoin an t-Samh-
raidh aluinn, le run a bhi 'nur measg air an fheasgar so. Air
dhomh a bhi air mo tharruinn air cul an eich iaruinn, le luathas.
na gaoithe, bha mi a' toirt oidhirp air briathran a chur an ordugh
air son labhairt ribh an nochd, 's cha robh mi ach goirid gus am
fhaic a mi nach b' urrainn dhomh cearb a dheanadh nuair a sheasainn
air beulthaobh muinntir mo dhuthcha. 'Nuair a bhiodh ur
n''aithrichean o shean a' dol air cheilidh air feadh tighean nan
coimhearsnach, cha bhiodh dith cainnte t5rra. Eadar naigheachdan
na duthcha, agus orain nam Bard, agus toimhseachain 's ceisdean
cruaidhe bhiodh gu leoir aca ri radh, 's tha mi gun teagamh nach
teirgeadh aobhar cridhealais dhuinne ged a shuidheamaid an so gu
da uair dheug do'n oidhche, no gu moch am maireach. Cha 'n eil
fhios c'uin a sguireamaid do labhairt na'n rachamaid gn sgeul a
dheanamh air boidhchead na duthcha 'san d'fhuair sinn ar breth
's ar arach. Shiubhail mise neart do'n chuan, 's chan fhaca mi
fathast aon tir a chuirinn an coimeas ri mo thir fein. Chi sinn
amis a Ghaidhealtachd na h-uile ni a chuireas sgiamh air an
talamh, agus na h-uile, ni air am bu mhiann leis na Baird a bhi ar
deanamh rainn. Seallaibh air na beaimtan, air Nibheis 's air
Cruachan, 's air Laoirnein, 's air moran eile. Tha iad sin nan
seasamh mar fhianuisean air gach gniomh mor a thachair mu'n
cuairt orra o na chaidh an saoghal a chruthachadh. Nach ciatach
an sealladh a ta iad a' cur air an tir 1 Is mor 's is laidir 's is
daingean iad, a seasamh mar a sheas na Gaidhil iad fein a shean,
gu dian agus gu misneachail an aghaidh gach namhaid. Rach-
amaid a sios gu ruig an Srath, agas ciod a chithear leinn ? Tha
againn an sin na h-aimhnichean mora, 's na sruthanna beaga, nan
dian ruith o mheasg an fhraoich, gu ruig an comhnard, agus o'n
chomhnard gn ruig an cuan. Is boidheach na tuiltean uisge, 's
iad nan ruith 's nan leuin 's nan cabhaig, mar gum biodh iad a
ruith reise a dh' ionnsuidh na tragha. Seadh agus is boidhea.ch
na coilltean gorm' a ta a fas air na bruaichean. Chi mi
an giubhas agus an darach, 's an calltuinu, 's an seileach
ag eiridh a suas gu boidlieach 's gu lurach. Cuiridh iad
sin maise air ar beul gach uair a thogas sinn a suas ar suilean a
chum nam beann. Cha bheag an dreach a chnireas am fraoch
Annual Assembly. 5
air na sleibhteaii an uair a thig e fo bhlath mu Lunastal, 'sa bhios
am monadh mur gum biodh e a lasadh le teine. Thugamaid suil
a dh'ionnsuidh na h airde an far. Chi sinn an sin na h-eilcineau.
Chi sinii Muile nam Mor bheann, agus I Chaluim Chille, far an
deachaidh an Soisgeul a theagasg air a cheud tarruinn ami an
Albainn. Chi sinn Eilein a Cheo, no Eilein nan Sgiath, an t Eilein
Sgiathanach, agus a ris an t-Eilein Fada, agus Eilein an fhra^ich
an Leothas, a sineadh fad air falbh a dh'ionnsuidh an airde Tuaith.
Tha'n cuan a' briseadh mun cuairt orra, mur chuan do ghloinn
air a mheasgadh le teine, ni's dealraich na uile sheudan na
talmhainn so air an caradh mu thimchioll crun na Ban-righinn
Mur eil gu leoir agaibh fathast thugaibh suil air na criochan a ta
ri fhaicinn fa chomhair nan eilein. Sin far am bheil na lochanna a
ruith a stigh aig bun nam beann, far am bheil na machraichean
faoilidh anns am bi na treudan ag ionaltradh fa ur dhealt a
cheitein mu'n eirich a ghrian. Agus am fear nach faic co finealta
's a ta na nithean sin gu leir, 'se their mi nach eil-suil 'na cheann
no tuigse na chridhe. Sin agaibh ma ta, an duthaich anns an.
bheil againn ur tamh. Co as a thainig sinn fein, agus co d'am
buin sinn 1 Tha eachdraidh nan Gaidheal a' dol gu ruig linntean
fad' o shean, agus tha cunntas againn air ar sinnsirean mun
deachaidh bunaitean na Roimh a leagail, agus mun robh duine
beo a' gabhail tamh 's an fhearann Bhreatunnach. 'S coltach
gum b' ann o mheadhon na h-Asia chaidh an saoghal gu leir a
Lonadh le sluagh. Feudar a bhi cinnteach gun robh na Gaidhil
am measg a cheud f headhainn a chaidh a mach, 'nuair a bha an
sluagh a fas lionmhor, agus an tir a fas ro chumhann. Ghabh iad
an turus a dh'ionnsuidh na h-airde '11 lar sior dol air an aghaidh
gus am faighead iad aite taimh a bhiodh freagrach, agus
mu dheireadh thug iad a mach criochan na h-airde 'n lar
do'n Roinn Eorpa. As a sin, thainig iad 'nan curaichean thairis
air a Chaolas Shasunnaich, agus dh'aitich iad Breatuun gu leir.
Air dhaibh an sin a bhi air an roinn nan tri earaunan, chaidh cuid
do Uels, agus cuid do Eirinn, thainig cuid eile do cheann Tuaith
Albainn, agus b'iad sin na nor shinnsirean o'n tainig shine. Seadh,
agus is iomadh cogadh mor a bha aca riamh ri chur, air son greim
a chumail air tir nam beann. Is e facal suaicheantais nan Leodach,
" Cum an greim a gheibh thu," agus tha mi an duil gum bn mhath
a f hreagaireadh e do na Gaidhil uile. Thainig naimhdean nan
aghaidh an toiseach as an Roimh. Bha iompaireachd na Roimh
a' tagradh coir air an t saoghal gu leir, ach feuch an tug na
Romanaich buaidh air luchd aiteachaidh nan gleann. Cha tug, s
cha mho thug na Sasunnaich no na Lochlunnaich, ged a bu trie a
thug iad an oidhirp. Tha iomadh earn ri fhaicinn air feadh na
6 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Gaidhealtachd, a ta a' comharrachadh nan aitean far an do
thuit colainnean nan namhaid cein sin, do bhrigh 's nach
leigcadh ur n-aithrichtean leo sealbh a ghabhail. Cha
deachaidh na Gaidhill riamh fathast a chur fo smachd
coigrich, 's tha mi an dochas nach teid gu brath. Ach
coma co dhiubh. Chan eil an sin ach seann naigheachdaii a
bhuineas do na laithcan a dh'fhalbh* Cha'n ionann cor na Gaid-
healtachd an diugh 's mar a bha i 'nuair a bhiodh na fineachan a'
dol a niach gu cath fo bhratach nan Ceanna-cinnidh. Tha na
Gaidhil air sgoileadh gu uile chriochan na talmhainn, 's tha iad air
tighinu gu ard inbhe anus gach aite far an deachaidh iad. Faicibh
an Domhnullach a bha na phriomh uachdaran air an fhearaun
Bhreatunnach ann an America. Sin far an robh oganach Catach,
a chuir moran urraim air an aite as an^Tthainig e. Cha'n 'eil ach
goirid o na thainig a chrioch air, 's b' fhearr gun robh tuille ann
coltach ris. 'S mor am beud gum bheil co beag suim air a ghab-
hail do nithean Gaidhealach 'n ar measg. Tha moran 'n ar rneasg
a' deanamh di-chuimhne air gnathaichean air n-aithrichean, 's chan
eil mi cinnteach idir gur ann ni's fearr a ta iad a' deanamh. A
reir coltais tha daoine ann a ta co proiseil 's gum bheil iad
a deanamh tair air a Ghaidhlig mar chainnt shuaraich neo-fhasanda.
Seadh, tha gu leoir ann air feadh na Gaidhealtachd aig am bheil
gu leoir do Ghaidhlig, agus a ta a'cumail a mach nach eil facal dhi
nan ceann. Tha iad g'am brath f ein gun taing. 'S iomadh uair a
rinn mi gaire a' cluinntinn fear no te ag radh, 's Bheurla, " Chan eil
Gaidhlig agam." Nam biodh iad ag innseadh na firinn 's e
theireadh iad, " Cha'n aithne dhomh a Ghaidhlig,'; do bhrigh 's
gur e sin an car a bhios na Sasunnaich a' cur air a chainnt aca fein.
A nis, am feadh 's a tha daoine oho aineolach ri so, tha e feumail
gun rachadh ni eiginn a dheanamh a chum 's nach rachadh di
chuimhne gu leir a dheanadh air cainnt na h-airde Tuath. 'S e
so is crioch araidh do'n Chomunn Ghaidhealach aig Inbhirnis.
Is freagarrach gum biodh priomh bhaile na Gaidhealtachd air
thoiseach 'sa ghniomh. Rinn muinntir Inbhirnis aon rud a
bha glic, 'nuair a thug iad gairm do'n Ollamh Macleoid gu tighinn
an aite an Domhnullaich. Cha'n e na h-uile fear a lionas boineid
an Domhnullaich, ach mu tha fear idir ann, 's e sin Tormoid,
Gaidheal mor, laidir, foghainteach ; saoghal 's slainte gum robh
aige re morain laithean. Gu ma fada beo e, 's ceo as a thigh. 'S
am dhomh sgur. Moran taing dhuibh air son co foighidneach 's
a dh'isd sibh riiim. Gabhaibh air 'ur n-aghaidh a mhuinntir a
Chomuinn Ghaidhealaich. Cumaibh cuimhne air na Baird, 's air a
phiob mhoir, 's air na ceilidhean, 's air a chamanachd, agus seasaibh
guallainn ri guallainn a dh-aindeoin co theireadh e.
Annual Assembly. 7
At the close the Chairman moved a vote of thanks to Mr
Roddie and his choir, whom he complimented highly upon their
performance, also the Rev. Mr Macgregor for his excellent Gaelic
address.
Mr Mackay, solicitor, proposed a vote of thanks to Provost
Ross for presiding, and the singing of " Auld Lang Syne" termi-
nated one of the most enjoyable and successful assemblies that
the Society have ever had.
The pianoforte accompaniments were tastefully supplied by
Miss C. Fraser, Church Street, and the proceedings were appropri-
ately diversified by an excellent selection of pipe music from the
Society's piper, Pipe-Major Ronald Mackenzie, assisted by Pipe-
Major Ferguson, of the Highland Rifle Volunteers.
The following poem was written by Mr Neil Macleod, Edin-
burgh, bard to the Society, for the occasion : —
COINNEAMH BLIADHNAIL COMUNN GAELIG INBHIRNIS.
Failt' air clann nan Gaidheal cliutach,
'Tha cruinn an nochd 'n an comunn muirneach,
A sheasamh canan aosd' ar duthcha,
A sheinn ar baird ;
'S a h-eachdraidh bhuan nach teid a mhuchadh
'An gloir nan dan.
Cho fad 's a shiubhleas uillt troimh ghleanntan,
'S a sheideas gaothan ris na beanntan,
Bidh cainnt 'us ceol nan gaisgeach greannmhor
A dion ar tir ;
A' taisbeanadh an cliu gun ghanntar
Bho linn gu linn.
A' cliainnt a labhradh le ar sinnsir,
'S dh' fhag iad againne mar dhileab,
Tha sibhs' an nochd gu duineil dileas,
Mar 'bu choir dhuibh ;
'G a nearteachadh 'n 'ur Baile rioghail
Le deadh eolas.
'S i 'labhair Oisean, Fionn, 'us Diarmad,
'S a dhuisgeadh spiorad treun 'n an iarmad,
A sheasadh daingean mar an t-iarunn,,
Ri uchd an namh ;
'S an talla chiuil gu baintidh siochail,
Le iochd is baigh.
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Altrumaibh le beus gun truailleadh,
Gacli ni 'tha maiseach agus nasal,
Le spiorad rioghail mar 'hu dual dhuibh*
Bho bhur sinnsir ;
'S caiunt bhur mathar cumaibh snas i,
Gun a diobradh.
Cuimtmichibh an stoc bho 'n d' fhas sibh,
'S air an eachdraidh bhuan a dh' fhag iad,
Air an gniomharan neo-bhasmhor,
'S air an euchdan ;
A cheannaich saorsa tir nan ardbheann
Le 'n cuid chreuchdan.
18th NOVEMBER, 1891.
A largely attended meeting was held on this date, being the
tirst meeting for Session 1891-92. After the nomination of a num-
ber of gentlemen for membership, and the arranging of some
business in connection with the annual dinner, Mr Alex. Macbain,
M.A., read a paper contributed by Mr Matheson, teacher, Easdale,
entitled — " The apparitions and ghosts of the Isle of Skye." Mr
Matheson's paper was as follows : —
THE GHOSTS AND APPARITIONS OF THE ISLE OF SKYE.
Considering the number of able writers and accomplished
critics among the members of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, it
is with feelings very nearly akin to timidity that I approach my
subject, that of the Ghosts of Skye — feelings arising not from any
fear of the ghosts themselves, though it is a subject well calcu-
lated to excite fear, but from an inward consciousness of many
shortcomings hindering the paper from being more worthy of the
occasion, and making it worthy of a place among the records of
the Society, and ensuring for it that patient hearing and unsparing
criticism so beneficial to both writers and readers. I will, how-
ever, do my best for the sake of old Skye, and
Air son na tim a bh'ann bho shean
Air son na tim bho chian 0'.
Apparitions of the Isle of Skye. 0
But even then I fear it will fall far short of a real Skye Old Ceilidh,
where many a time and oft patriarchal crofters of the old school
considered it their chief delight
Around their fire an evening group to draw,
And tell of all they heard and all they saw.
I shall not attempt anything ir the shape of a learned or
scholarly treatment of the subject, but will confine myself to
giving specimens of such ghost stories as I remember in the
homely style in which they are related in Skye by people often
without a particle of education, but whose memories are regular
treasure-houses of old world stories and legends, and which they
can, as a rule, deliver with good effect, and with the utmost con-
fidence in the correctness of their version. I feel sure that the
members of your Society remember many similar stories, and 1
would suggest that they supplement this paper by relating,
Ceilidh-wise, each man a story after the reading of this paper.
I at first thought of making it embrace all phases of super-
stition in Skye, but I find the subject so inexhaustible that I must
confine myself to one phase of it, namely, the ghosts and appar-
itions, and even that phase 1 find capable of sub-division into
various branches, for, on examining the subject, I find there are
gentle, ethereal, inoffensive ghosts, goody-goody ghosts, always
bent on some mission of love, charity, or justice There are
ghosts under some inexorable spell of distress that visit the scenes
of their former state of mortality in search of some Christian
mortal with a courage that can stand the test of interviewing and
being interviewed by a ghost.
" Speak till and hear what it confest,
And send a wandering soul to rest."
There are malevolent ghosts, retributive and violent, with a will
and power to inflict the most convincing cudgelling if the occasion
demands it ; and there are various and innumerable apparitions of
the devil in bodily form, cloven-footed, saucer-eyed, and nostrils
breathing fire ; a pugnacious pair of horns, and what a length of tail
behind, and then its hue ! Whoever saw so fine a blue, or green, or
black, white, for not more varying are the ever changing hues of the
chameleon, than are the different versions of the appearance of
Old Nick in old Skye. Now he appears driving a carriage and six
black horses through the air ; now as a black parson preaching
mock sermons to an assembly of witches, or he assumes the role of
dominie and gives his witch pupils uncanny lessons on some dread-
10 Gaelic Society of /nuerness.
ful mystifications of the Black Art, or he appears as a well-dressed
gentleman in black, a decrepit old man, a labourer, or fisherman,
but an accident always betrays his cloven hoof, which always dis-
tinguishes him in whatever guise he appears, and then he vanishes
iu flames of fire. Sometimes, when he wants to frighten the
lieges, he is accompanied by infernal and hideous howling
and with the noise of clanking of irons, as if all the ship cables in
existence were dangling at his heels. As a finely dressed gentle-
man he is said to have joined a party playing at cards in Uig Inn
late one Saturday night. The party continued playing well on
into Sunday morning, when- one of the cards happening to drop on
to the floor, the party who lifted it was horrified to find he was.
playing with the cloven-footed gentleman ; and on raising the
alarm his satanic majesty disappeared ^through the roof amidst
flames of fire. How is it the devil always ascends out of sight,
seeing his satanic majesty is supposed to live "down, down,
below ?" A Skye clergyman of these long ago olden times, the
famous Rev. Mr Espol of Snizort and Scorribreck, the latter place
then under crofters — this rev. gentleman, who was as famous for
his feats of strength as he was for his preaching, once had a ser-
vant girl who entered into compact with the devil for certain
girlish considerations, by which all her desires were to be realised.
The bargain was that the gentleman in black, for as such he
always appeared to her, was to claim her as his own at the end of
a year and a clay. True to his word on the appointed day he pre-
sented himself at the minister's manse to claim the girl. The girl,
in her perplexity, sought counsel of the minister, and told him the
whole story, while the gentleman in black was kept waiting in
another room in which was a lighted candle, but he urged that
his time was precious and that the girl must accompany him
without further delay. At the minister's request, she begged to
be allowed to stay till the candle had burnt out. This being
agreed to, the minister immediately blew out the candle, inform-
ing the gentleman that he would take care that that particular
candle would never burn out. The devil, thereupon, made his
usual exit. As is only natural to suppose, his sable majesty now
viewed his reverence with greater hatred and animosity than ever,
and longed for some favoured opportunity of punishing him for
cheating him of his victim. He had not long to wait. His
reverence had to preach both at Snizort and Scorribreck ; and, on
one occasion, the night being fine, with moonlight, he started to
cross the wild range of hills separating the two places, about the
middle of the night. When he had reached one of the wildest and
Apparitions of the Isle of Shye. 11
gloomiest parts of these mountain passes, he was startled by all
the noises most hideous to conceive, accompanied by shouting and
clanking of chains sutiiceiit to rend the very rocks, and as if all the
demons together were let loose in a crowd, and were jostling each
other in their eagerness to catch him. Being strong and swift of
foot he betook himself to flight, with his best foot forward.
He stayed not for brake,
He stopped not for stone.
Never before, since the famous chase of Daorghlass after the fairy
Smith of Dundiarg, also in. the same locality, was seen such
champion running. Knowing that a running stream they
" daurna " pass, and this being on before him, he felt confident of
victory.
He ran a race and won. it, too,
For he got first to town.
That is to say to his house, which was far too sacred a spot for
any imp of darkness to intrude into it ; besides, he had placed the
waters of Rigg between himself and the enemy, and knew he was
safe. This and the surrounding districts are known by the
common name of " Brae-an-tu-Shaer " (upper Eastside), Skye, and
it certainly seems to be'a favourite haunt of Old Nick, for we
have yet another story of his daring there. Tn these grand old
times the people used to catch great numbers of salmon on the
lochs and rivers, no man forbidding them. They repaired to the
scene of operations as early as possible, and as the first arrivals had
the berft chances, each one tried to be the first on the ground. On
one occasion, before the Sabbath had quite expired, one of the
fishers had already arrived at the loch and was surprised to see
some one there before him. In the darkness he took him for one
of his neighbours, especially on heating himself addressed by name,
thus, " Alasdair Mhor a mhic Eaiu Laidir, cc 's f hearr leat a bhi
gaddagh na taoghladh." On nearer approach he smelt something
uncanny about the stranger, but, without betraying any appre-
hension, he at once answered, " 'S f hearr 1 earn a bhi gaddagh."
The stranger then began landing heaps upon heaps of fish all of
the most magnificent proportion and continued without interrup-
tion to do so until startled by the crowing of a neighbouring cock.
He took his departure amidst much noise and confusion, and
addressing his brother in trade at parting, said, "Alasdair Mhor
a Mhic Eain Laidir, mar a biodh mar a tharladh b'fhada do
chuimhne's air an taoghladh.''
A story is told about one of the good old Lairds of Tota Roam
who, during his life, had been over-indulgent towards his son and
12 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
heir, to the effect that after his death his ghost used to pay stem
visits of correction to the said son and pay him a hundred fold the
stripes neglected to be imparted in this world. Instances of
unfriendly or malicious actions by Skye ghosts could be multiplied
without number. Every Skyeman is acquainted with the belief
in phantom funeral processions. These ghost funerals precede the
actual funeral, and follow the same route afterwards taken by a
real funeral. I have myself heard people express their belief in
these ghost processions — saying it was not advisable to walk in the
centre of the road at night in case a " funeral " might happen to
be passing, as in that case they might be thrown down and
trampled upon.
Of ghosts condemned to walk the shades seeking rest, but
finding none because their bodies had not received Christian burial,
to inform upon their murderers and reveal where they had hid
away their bodies, no end of stories could be told. We
give the following because it can be most easily verified
by legions of living witnesses between Staffin and Portree,
and the locality, in the immediate neighbourhood of Quirang,
is known to almost everybody, and especially because the story is
believed in as a true ghost story and on account of the truthful and
sensible people who have seen and heard things there at uncanny
hours of the night. The exact scene of these ghost appearances is
a wild solitary mountain torrent at the back of Quirang, where it
forms an ugly black-looking sort of waterfall, at a spot where the
Uig and Quirang coach road passes and where the burn is crossed
by a small wooden bridge. It is believed that a foul murder was
here committed at one time, and the body was hid in the midst of
the dark and uninviting moor so largely prevailing here. A
respectable pedlar, who had been selling goods in various parts of
Skye from a large pack which he carried on his back, is said to
have been followed while crossing from Staffin to Uig ; and was
murdered on this spot, for the sake of his money and his pack ; and
that the place was ever after haunted by his ghost. That something
has been seen and heard at this spot by a number of people does
not admit of any doubt, and, though most of them entertained a
dread of at all referring to the subject, an honest Staffin crofter
gave a detailed account of his adventures. He described the ghost
as a well built man, wanting one arm, wearing a " pilot cloth "
jacket, and with a face like " a basin full of blood " (an expression
used to describe a very red-coloured face). He started up beside
him, and whether he walked, or ran, or stood still, there the ghost
was — always directly opposite him, and wearing a painfully
Apparitions of the Isle of Skye. 1$
anxious look, as of a man dying to impart some important com-
munication, but which, by the inexorable decrees of fate, he as a.
ghost was unable to do, until first spoken to by a mortal man.
Unfortunately, at the moment our friend lacked the necessary
courage, and, indeed, the fact is little to be wondered at. He was.
alone in the midst of the wilderness, and quite at the mercy of an
unearthly ghost. Between him and his home lay the long range
of the Quirang hills and at least a distance of a matter of six
miles of a lone and solitary road. To return to Uig was out of the
question, for in that case he would have to cross the abode of the
ghost a second time, and that was not to be for a moment thought
of. How he got home he never exactly knew, but that he did get
home more dead than alive is matter of history. The universality
of the belief in the ghost of " Airigh an Essain " (the name of the
burn) often led to laughable mistakes. For example, an intelligent
and worthy Staffin merchant (still living), having been to meet the
steamer at Uig, returned rather late, with a cart load of goods.
On approaching Airigh an Essain, wow, but he saw an unco sight,
a sight more than sufficient to make the strongest-nerved ha'r
stand on end, for there in front of him, marching with military
precision backward and forward on the bridge of Airigh an Essain,
was a man of collosal stature in the very spot where the ghost was
wont to appear. He was unwilling to turn back to Uig with his
tired horse and loaded cart, but to proceed and face the powers of
darkness seemed even more undesirable. In his perplexity lie
ventured a timid shout of "Who's there?" (co th'an sin). " Tl a
mise," came the hollow, really ghost-like reply of poor " Tearlach
Mhaligir," a poor wandering half-witted neighbour of his own.
Tearlach was often afterwards questioned as to what Mr So-and-So
Stvid to him in reply, and his answer always was " nam bu thig
an latha bhitheas thu rithist ami." The poor ghost of Airigh an
Essain seems to have met a charitable Christian of courage at
last, for he is said to have described his murderer as wearing a red
coloured vest and as living in a house whose door was towards the
north, an arrangement so uncommon in this part of Skye, owing
to the extreme coldness of the north wind, that it might easily in
our day furnish damaging circumstantial evidence if it did not
happen to be uncanny information supplied b^ a ghost of uncertain
temperament, and who might utterly collapse, if not altogether
disappear under the fire of cross-examination.
Lochan nan Ceann, near the road leading to Cuidrach Hou-e,
not far from Uig, is another favourite ghost- haunted spot, accounted
for by the fact that here also some foul tragedy wras once enacted^
14 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Duntulm Castle, the then residence of the Lords of the Isles, was
the scene of many festivities and gatherings of the clans. A
clansman famous for his fabulous feats of strength and gigantic
appearance, of the name of Taog Mor MacOuinn, on leaving Dun-
tulm for his home in the neighbourhood of the Cuchullin Hills,
'was accompanied by a piper from Duntulm. While passim;
Tobar-nan-Ceann, Taog knelt down to drink out of the well, and
while doing so the other, moved either by jealousy or revenge,
•quickly drawing his sword, struck off Taog Mor's head at one
blow, and as the head after being severed from the body rolled
•down the brae, it continued audibly repeating the words " Ab,
ab, ab." It is satisfactory to be told that Lord Macdonald had
the murderer instantly apprehended and hanged, but the ghost of
one or other of them has continued to haunt the spot ever after.
Of ghosts proper thore is no end t^ the number or variety to
l>e found in some odd old-fashioned -spots in the Isle of Skye. The
most dreaded, because most given to merciless assaults upon
inoffensive and defenceless victims, is the ghost that pommels his
victim.
The following as a good instance of this malicious or punish-
ment-inflicting ghost may be mentioned : —
There lived in a lonely cottage at Kilnialuag, near Duntulm,
Skye, an aged woman and her daughter, at a time when the
-credulous superstitions obtained readier credence than now. The
infirmities of old age at last confined the old dame to her bed ; and
-it was apparent to all that her end was not far off. Her daughter
was in great distress, and being much attached to her mother,
thought it would even give her pleasure to receive communications
from her mother from the other world, and, on mentioning this,
her mother, promised, that if in the power of the departed, she
would comply with her request. Shortly after the woman died,
and the daughter continued to live alone in the house. One
• evening, according to her wont, as she sat in the twilight musing
on the changes and vicissitudes of human life, she was startled to
perceive the apparition of her departed mother in the apartment,
and presently to find herself seized hold of and beaten all over her
body within an ^inch of her last gasp. This was repeated every
night ; and the elders and pious men of the place had to come
and watch with her, occupying the time in reading and praying.
And when the apparition appeared at the usual time, one of the
" men," addressing it in the name of God, found out that the
•cause of this unearthly visitation was the daughter's unnatural
request to her before she died, and being thus spoken to by mortal
Apparitions of the Isle of Sky 3. 15
man she was unable to trouble the world further by ghostly visits.
Sometimes the maliciously inclined ghost remains invisible while
visiting these expressions of his displeasure upon unoffending
mortals. This often happens in the case of haunted houses. The
in "nates are pelted and plagued by every manner of missile, with-
out knowing how or by whom, and instances are on record in
which clever rogues attempted, sometimes siicessf'ully, to play
the ghost after this fashion, an instance being cleverly detected in
Glendale, in Skye, a few years ago. It happened that in a certain
township one of these worthy crofter tenants had the misfortune
to lose his wife, but he soon consoled himself by marrying again.
Two grown up daughters, to whom this new arrangement was
distasteful, thought it would be a good idea to play the role of the
ghost of their mother. Accordingly, each night after the family
had retired to bed, the newly-married pair found themselves
pelted and molested, while strange noises were heard all over
the house. In utter despair, and almost dying with fright,
the elders were sent for, but the ghosts did not show
any inclination of yielding to the holy influence of praise and
prayer. On the contrary, while engaged in these good offices,
the "men" were vigorously pelted with clods, etc., and so
material did the blows feel that they arrived at the conclusion
that the ghosts in the present instance were not the genuine
article, and, according!}*, they discontinued their visits. A party
of Glendale lads volunteered to exorcise the ghosts in this instance,
and on entering upon their vigil they resolved to watch as well as
pray, with the result that the girls were caught red-handed in
the very act. The individuals were Ann Bruce, Nighean Iain Mhic
Challum Chuinn, Somherle Macavurich Bhain, Catrionna Bheag
na Ceapannaich, all natives, and some at least, I hope, still living,
as the ghost incident could not be much further b;ick than about
1840. Surely after that no one will ever have the audacity to
deny the existence of ghosts. The ghosts belong to a very
ancient- family, and were seen and believed in from time
immemorial. The ghost of Samuel appeared at the bidding of
the Witch of Endor. Modern ghosts are more given to command
than obey. The great Addison believed in them, for he makes
some say in answer to an enquiry as to how ghosts can get into
houses with closed doors : — " Why, look ye, Peter, your spirit will
creep you into an augur hole ; he'll whisk ye through a key-hole
without so much as jostling against one of the wards." Shakes-
pere gives us ghost pictures in words, and makes each in tht-ir-
16 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
time play many parts. The celebrated Gay believed in them, for
lie tells us that —
The rooms ihaunted been by many a sprite,
Some say they hear the gingling of the chains,
And some hath heard the psautries strains,
At midnight some the heedless (headless) horse imeet,
And oather things Fayr Elfin and Elfe.
2nd DECEMBER, 1891.
The following gentlemen were elected members at this meet-
lag, viz. : — Honorary members — Mr Alister Macdonell, 59 Nevern
{Square, London, S.W.; and Mr George Macpherson, 8 Walnut
Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. Ordinary members — The Rev.
Father Chisholm, Nairn ; the Rev. Father Macqueen, Inver-
ness ; Mr William Lawrence, Swordale, Evanton ; and Mr Hugh
Macdonald, Audit Office, Highland Railway Company, Inverness.
Thereafter the meeting formed itself into a " ceilidh," when a very
pleasant evening with song and music was passed.
Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., moved " that the Society record their
deep regret at the death of Mr J. G. Campbell, minister of Tyree,
a Gaelic scholar of eminence, an unrivalled collestor of Gaelic tales
and ballads, and a valuable contributor of papers to the Society's
meetings and Transactions."
Thereafter the " Flowers of the Forest" was played by the
Society's piper as an apporopriate requiem.
17th DECEMBER, 1X91.
At the meeting held on this date, Mr Geo. Sinclair, Caledonian
Hotel, Inverness, was elected an honorary member of the Society.
Thereafter the Secretary read a paper contributed by Mr Fraser-
Mackintosh of Drummond on the " Erasers of Foyers, styled
Sliochd Huistean Fhrangaich." The following is Mr Fraser-
Mackintosh's paper : —
The Frasers of Foyers. 17
MINOR HIGHLAND FAMILIES, No. 5.
THE FRASERS OF FOYERS, STYLED " SLIOCHD
HUISTEAN FHRANGA1CH."
The three baronies of Abertarff, Stratherrick, and D arris com-
prehended nearly all those portions of the great Glen of Albyn
which touched the eastern shores of Loch Oich, Loch Ness, and
the River Ness, and in all the race of Fraser predominated. Of
the once numerous Stratherrick families, that of Foyers long held
a conspicuous position.
It is stated, on the authority of the Ward law MS., that Hugh,
counted third Lord Lovat, who died prior to 1502, had a naturaj
son,
I. HUIPTEAN, who, from long residence in France, was called
" Huistean Fhrang.iich," and his posterity styled "Sliochd Huistean
Frangach." It is not known to whom Huistean was married, nor
the period of his death, but it is undfjrstood that he was portioned
by his father in the lands of Easter and Wester Aberchalder,
belonging to Glengarry, lying within the barony of Abertarff.
Huistean was succeeded by his son,
II. WILLIAM FRASER, who was proprietor of the two Aber-
chalders, as well as Little Bailie hernock and Tirchurachan, in the
barony of Durris, his title being " Over Callader," or Aberchalder.
In 1537, occurs the first connection of the family with Foyers, for
in that year an apostolical warrant is granted by Pope Paul III.
for giving in feu to William Fraser, described as " Laici Moravien,"
the Church lands of Boleskine and Foyers, dated at St Peter's, 4th
day of the Ides of March, and 10th year of his Pontificate.
At Elgin, 12th December, 1541, Patrick, Bishop of Moray,
with consent of the Chapter, gives a charter to William Fraser,
designed as of " Over Callader," and the heirs male of his body,
whom failing his brother german, Hugh Fraser, and the heirs
male of his body, whom failing Hugh Lord Fraser of Lovat and
the heirs male of his body, whom all failing, to the nearest heirs
male whomsoever of the said William Fraser, of the lands of
Boleskine and Foyers, described as lying within the barony of
Kinmylies, Lordship of Spynie and shire of Inverness, at a feu of
£8 14s 8d Scots. This document is in fine preservation, has two
splendid seals entire with about twelve signatures of Church
dignitaries of Moray. Other early deeds of the Foyers Estate, in
18 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
possession of Mr Walker of Ness Castle, are in remarkable pre-
servation, clean and fresh as though of yesterday.
The half davoch lands of Boleskine, under the spelling of
" Buleske," are found referred to as early as 1226, in connection
with some legal questions betwixt Andrew Bishop of Moray, and
Oilbert, Hostiarius ; the lands of Foyers, on the other hand, not
being observed until more than 200 years later, when they, in con-
junction with Boleskine, occur in James II. 's Charter of the
•erection of Spynie, dated Stirling, 9th November, 1451.
Mr Anderson, in his history of the Frasers, says that William
Fraser of Foyers was the only gentleman who survived the battle
of Blair-na-leme, fought on 15th July, 1544 ; and, having owed
his recovery to the humanity of his foster brother, that person and
his descendants got a free grant of the croft they laboured. This
would rather infer that Foyers had permanently recovered ; bub
this pleasing anecdote, no doubt founded on tradition, has no
foundation, for the retour of his son Hugh service to his father,
expede at Inverness on 5th October, 1 563, expressly bears that
William of Foyers died in the month of July, 1544, so, if he really
survived, it could have been but 15 days at the utmost.
William Fraser was also proprietor of Mussady and Mellagie,
lands worth three pounds and upwards of old extent, also of
Dunterchat and Garrogie, equal to a forty shilling land of old
extent, all held of Lovat. William was succeeded by his eldest
son,
III. HUGH, who, upon 25th April, 1545, obtains a precept of
<jlare constat from the Bishop of Moray for infefting him as heir to
his father William, in Foyers and Boleskine, upon which he was
infeft by Gilbert Hay, notar of Moray, on 10th June, 1548.
Upon 10th March, 1555, Lord Lovat grants a precept for infefting
Hugh Fraser as heir of his father William in Mussady and
Mellagie. In 1563, Hugh is served heir to his father William in
.Aberchalder, and being an early service occurring at Inverness, it
is in part given, on account of the names of the inquest and other
particulars : —
" The heid Scheref Curt of Innernes haldin within the
Tolbuyth of the samyn be Jasper Waus of Lochslyne and John
Kos pro west of Innernes Scheref Deputtis of the said Scheref dom
to ane nobill and potent lord James erle of Murray Scheref prin-
cipal of Inuernes coniunctlie and seueralie specialie constitute, the
fyft day of October the zeir of God jm vc and saxtie thre zeiris the
Suittis callit the Curt lauchfullie fensit and effermit as wse is, etc.
That day Maister Alexander Dowglas Procuratour for Hucheon
7 he Frasers of Foyers. 19
Frayeser of Aberchallodour, exhibeit and producit ane BreifF of
our souerane Ladies Chappell, impetrat be Hucheon Frayeser as
ayr to his omquhil fadyr, William Frayeser of Aberchallodour and
quhar na persoun nor pairte comperit to ooieet nor oppone contrar
the pointtis of the said Breive, the said Maister Alexander
requyrit Act of Curt, etc.
" Nomina Inquiaitionis.
" Robert Munro of Fowlis, John Stewart of Kyncarnie, John
Name of Cromdell, John Innes of Innerbraky, George Munro of
Dauchatrye (Docharty), Hucheon Frayeser of Gwshauch (Guis-
achan), Walt Innes of Terbett, Do well McFersoun in Essye
(Essich), Donald McFarquhar in Dawoct garreocht (Maclean of
Dochgarroch), Beane Clerk in Dowllcraig (Dalcrag), Schim
McJames Ire (our, or saor) in Ballecharnocht, Thomas Frayeser
portioner of Moneak, Alister McVuyll (vie Dugall) in Bontate,
Duncan McFersoun in Moy.
" The Inqueist foirsaid hes seruit Hucheon Frayeser conform
to his petitioun and the same pronuncit be the mouth of Robert
Munro of Fowlis, Chancellor of the Assise, and quhar na persoun
nor pairtie opponit contrar the personis of Inqueist, nor petitioun ;
Upon the quhilkis the said Maistir Alexander Dowglas requysit
Act of Curt, etc."
The Inquest found that William Fraser died last vest and
seised in all and singular the lands of Little Balecharnoch and
Tirchurachan, with the pertinents lying within the Barony of
Durris. That Hugh Fraser was his son and nearest and lawful
heir, and of full age, that the lands were worth yearly £8 Scots
old extent, and in time of peace worth 20s yearly. That the
lands were held of Robert Dunbar of Durris for the payment of a
white rose yearly on the feast day of St John the Bapt st, and
that the lands had lain unentered for the space of nineteeiii years
since the death of William Fraser in the month of July, 1544.
Hugh Fraser married Margaret Uiquhart, and died leaving
issue, one daughter Jane, who, in 1573, was served to the property
not limited to heirs male, as heiress of line. Jane — sometimes
called Joanna — received a precept of clare constat in Mussady and
Mejlagie, as only daughter and heir of her father Hugh Fraser,
fro m the Countess of Moray and Argyll, witl the consent of the
Earl of Argyll, dated 1st June, 1575. These lands afterwards
reverted to, or were reacquired by the male head of the family.
In the lands destined to heirs male Hugh was succeeded by his
brother,,
20 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
l\T. WILLIAM, who in 1570 is retoured as heir of his brother
in Aberchalder, and 011 1st August 1584 is infeft in Foyers and
Boleskine on precept of George, Bishop of Moray, dated 14th July
1584, having all his charters confirmed by the Crown, 16th
December, 1592. William was succeeded by his son,
V. HUGH, who was infeft in Foyers and Boleskine, 31st May,.
1607, on precept by Alex., Bishop of Moray, dated 28th April,
1606. James Fraser, brother-german to Hugh, is one of the
witnesses to the infeftment. This was the Laird of Foyers who
by tradition rescued Allan of Lundie from being drowned in Loch
Ness when swimming across, fleeing from hot pursuit connected
with the invasion of Kilchrist. Hugh was succeeded by his son,
VI. WILLIAM, who made up titles to Aberchalder, but not to
Foyers. He was in turn succeeded J?y his son,
VII. HUGH, who at Inverness on 20th April, 1648, is served
heir to his father William before Thomas Schives of Muirtown,
sheriff depute of Inverness, and the following men of Inquest : —
Thomas Fraser of Struy, William Fraser of Culbokie, Duncan
Forbes of Culloden, John Cuthbert of Castlehill, James Cuthbert
of Drakies, William Baillie of Torbreck, John Cuthbert of Wester
Drakies, David Baillie of Dochfour, John Poison of Bught, Thomas
Schives, younger of Muirtown, Alex. Fraser of Abersky, Robert
Baillie, burgess of Inverness, David and William Cuthberts,
burgesses of Inverness, and John Robertson, also Burgess of
Inverness, in the two davochs of Easter and Wester Aberchalder
of old extent, with the salmon fishing pertaining thereto in Loch
Oicli. He received a, charter of Foyers and Boleskine dated
Edinburgh, 15th August, 1648, and the charter and infeftment
was confirmed by the Bishop of Moray, 1663. In 1661 it was
arranged that Hugh should have a charter of Mussady and
Mellagie as heir of his grandfather from Lord Lovat, but the deed
was not executed. Hugh's first wife was Jean Gray, who left
issue, and he married secondly Katharine Chisholm, daughter of
Alexander Chisholm of Comer, contract dated Erchless, last May,
1658. Insecurity of her provision, Katharine was infeft in the
half davoch of Boleskine, excluding Glenlia, as also in the western
third of Mellagy. In 1651 Hugh is pursued for a debt by James
Macpherson of Ballachroan, and he incurred considerable debts to
others.
Hugh left at least three children — the eldest and successor
being
VIII. WILLIAM, with whom Margaret Mackintosh, daughter of
Alexander Mackintosh of Connage, is referred to in 1674 as "his.
The Frasers of Foyers. 21
future spouse." His sister Elizabeth, with his consent and that
of her other brother Hugh, was married to John Fraser of Little
Garth, contract dated at Mussadie, 7th April, 1688. William
naturally was mixed up with Simon Lord Lovat and his affairs
from the time of the death of Hugh Lord Lovat, 1696. By Lord
Lovat's memoirs, it will be seen that he, then Master of Lovat,
when in Stratherrick in 1698 repelling the attack of the Athole
family, says, in reference to the bloodless victory of Altnagour,
that four days previous he had assumed the title of Lord Lovat,
having heard the melancholy news that his father was dead in
Skye. The Baronage gives his death as May, 1699, which is
certainly erroneous. I am able to give one of the earliest docu-
ments granted by him in his new position : —
" I, Simon Fraser, Lord Lovat, do bind myself for service done
and to be done me and for mine by William Fraser of Foyers, to
give to the said William Fraser of Foyers and his, the tenth part
of the country of Stratherrick, after I have fully conquested it,
and am in full possession of it, without debate ; and this providing
he continue true and faithful to me as my kinsman and vassal all
his life ; and for the more security I consent these presents be
registrate in the books of Council and Session or any other books
competent, and to that effect I constitute my procurators
that all sort of diligence pass hereon as accords. In witness
whereof 1 have written and subscribed these presents at Poran,
ye ninth day of August, 1 698 years.
(Signed) " LOVATT."
It is clear that Lord Lovat was of the mind to divide Strath
errick into ten portions, and bestow one on each of his important
clansmen in return for their services in helping him to recover his
estates. The name " Poran" was a puzzle, but as the corres-
ponding obligation by Foyers, vis. : — a bond of manrent — was
granted at Dochcairn (the residence of Dochfour), it was inferred
that it must be somewhere not far from either bank of Lochness.
Upon enquiring of Mr Alexander Fraser, an old and respected
resident at Loinchlerich of Errogie, he was good enough to write
on 23rd January, 1890, that there was a place in Gaelic " Phoran,"
otherwise Forbeg, two or three miles to the west of Foyers Mains,
now a part of Knockie Estate, but of old belonging to Lovat, and
one time a populous place. The famous yew of Stratherrick is
situated on Forbeg. Prior to 1715, William Fraser had given up
the management of affairs to his eldest son Hugh, who is placed
as head, although he predeceased his father,
22 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
IX. HUGH ERASER, whose exertions for Government are nar-
rated in the following petition, declaration, and memorial, to the
First Lord of the Treasury in 1716. Hugh Fraser, described as
younger of Foyers, who had a charter of Mussady from Roderick
Mackenzie of Prestonhall in 1711, died prior to 1720 without
having received any compensation from Government.' The matter
was moved in again 43 years later by his nephew Hugh, also
without effect, and two interesting papers bearing on the matter
are given at this point although of date 1759. Affidavits much of
a similar nature were made, all in 1759, by the Rev. Thomas
Fraser of Boleskine, Mr Alexander Fraser, catechist at Durris, and
Major James Fraser of Castleleathers. The affidavit of the last is
selected as being more full, and is probably one of his latest
acts : —
(1. 1716). "To the Honble. Mr David Poison of Kinmylies,
Geo. Cuthbert of Castlehill, and Mr Alex. Clark, Provost of
Inverness : the petition of Hugh Fraser, younger of Foyers, one
of the Deputy Lieutenants of the Northern Counties — Humbly
sheweth, — From the beginning of September to the 1st of March,
both last past [Sept., 1715 ; March 1716— C. F. M.], I being
moved by my affection to the Government, and in obedience to
Brigadier Alex. Grant, and other friends of the Government, their
letters to me. as well as my own early engagement to the
Lieutenancy and friends of ye Government, I did devote myself
and my men to the public service by going to the hills and
mountains of the country until such time as the said Lieutenancy
did gather some of their friends together, among which I and my
men were among the first, by which they were pleased to honour
me with a commission of being one of the Deputy Lieutenants of
the north, whereby I and my men were pointed forth to the
resentment of the Rebels, and I and my tenants suffered con-
siderable losses and damages by depredations and robberies,
besides the damages of loss of time and the management of our
affairs at home, with what I paid for my own and my men, our
charges to the month of November, when my chief came to the
north, all occasioned by our attendance on the Government
service. And I humbly conceive that the said Brigadier and the
other Lieutenants are in justice obliged, as well as by their
promises, to make up our losses, by representing the same to the
Managers of the Government, so I believe that they would not
make any difficulty therein, if our damages and losses were
ascertained by our oathes.
The Frasers of Foyers. 23
" May it therefore please your Worships to allow us to appeal-
before you, and to make affidavit upon the extent of the
loss and damages sustained, to the effect we may ascertain
our claims as accords.
(Signed) " HUGH FRASEU."
" Inverness, the twenty-sixth day of May, one thousand seven
hundred and sixteen years, — We grant the desire of the petition,
and allow the petitioner and his tenants to appear before us and
make oath upon the extent of their damages which they have
sustained. ' (Signed) "ALEX. CLARK, J.P.,"
( „ ) " GEORGE CUTHBERT, J.P."
Eodem Die.
" Compeared Hugh Fraser, younger of Foyers, one of the
Deputy Lieutenants of the north, who being solemnly sworn and
interrogate in the terms of the within petition, maketh oath : That
from the beginning of September last to the close of November
thereafter also last bypast, being the time at which his chief came
to the north : That he and about one hundred and sixty men were
obliged to stay in the hills and braes of the country and elsewhere
as the lieutenancy did direct us upon our own proper charges, and
he had not any of the friends of the Government within twenty
miles distant from him to any airt ; by which, and his own
personall charges, he did truly expend of his own proper moneys
and effects to the extent of the sum of three thousand and forty
pounds Scots money, and the rebells did violently carry and rob
away from his towns and lands the number of seventy-seven cows
and oxen which he values at one thousand five hundred and forty
pounds money foresaid ; nine horses at two hundred and seventy
pounds foresaid ; fifteen wedders and sheep at thirty pounds fore-
said ; and plaids to the value of twenty four pounds money
foresaid. In all, extending to the sum of four thousand nine
hundred and four pounds Scots money : And that he and his men,
by their attendance on his Majesty's service from the said first of
September to the first of March last, when the regular forces came
to Inverness, have sustained considerable losses and damages in
their affairs and labouring. But they cannot declare the true
extent thereof upon oath, and they submit the same to discretion,
which is truth as he shall answer to God.
(Signed) " HUGH FRASER."
" Jurat Coram.
(Signed) "ALEX. CLARK, J.P.,
( „ ) " GEO. CUTHBERT, J.P."
24 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" To the Right Honble. Robert Walpool, Esquire, First Lord
of his Majesty's Treasury, The Memorial of Hugh Fraser of Foyers,
one of the Deputy- Lieutenants of the county of Inverness —
Humbly Sheweth, That the time of the late Ministry, when the
pensions were given to the Highland Clans, Alexander Mackenzie
of Fraserdale, who pretended to represent the name of Fraser, was
one of these Pensioners, and offered the Memorialist a share of
that Pension to go in to his measures, which he absolutely refused,
because he understood the design was to support the Pretender's
interest, whereupon the Memorialist conveened several gentlemen
of the name of Fraser, and acquainted them with the same, and he
and they signed a letter to his Grace the Duke of Argyle, giving
full assurance of their resolution to join with his Grace in defense
of the Protestant succession as by latf established, and likewise
sent two of their number to Sir Peter Fraser of Doors, to acquaint
him of their resolution, who advised them to send for my Lord
Lovat to France, to strengthen them in that design. And accord-
ingly one of their number was sent to France, to bring him home.
All which happened in the last two years of Her late Majestie's
reign. That when Alexander Macdonald of Glengarry, and Colin
Campbell of Glendaruel were going about in the Highlands to pro
cure subcriptions to an address to the Pretender, and had imposed
upon some of the name of Fraser to sign the same, the Memorialist
convened the well affected gentlemen of that name, and signed an
address to H is Majesty King George, with an oifer of their lives
and fortunes, to support His Majesty's just title to the Crown,
which address was presented by His Grace the Duke of Argyle.
Agreeable to which address, when the rebellion began in Scotland,
the beginning of September last, the Memorialist convened 160
men, though he was sixteen miles distant from any of the King's
friends, and the Highland clans conveening all round him, and
kept them in a body, though he was once attacked by seven
hundred men of the Earl of Seaforths, whom he repulsed, and con-
tinued these men upon his own proper charges till the middle of
November, that my Lord Lovat came to the country, who then
conveened all the rest of his name for His Majesty's service ; in
which the memorialist continued till they were relieved by the
regular forces in March last. The memorialist was obliged to
maintain these men on his own proper charges, which, with the
damage sustained by him and his lands by the Rebells, amount to
six hundred pounds sterling, besides the loss of his time conform
to ane affidavit made before the justices of Peace of Inverness
county. Besides all what's above, the memorialist was sent, when
The Frasers of Foyers. 25
none other would undertake it, by my Lord Lovat to Stirling, by
way of Fort- William, to get intelligence from the Duke of Argyle,
which was a very expensive and dangerous journey, several of the
clans being in wait for seizing the memorialist, which is known by
Sir Robert Pollock, governor of Fort-William."
(2. 1759). "At Inshoch, the nineteenth day of February, one
thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine years, in presence of
Alexander Inglis, Esquire, Sheriff-Substitute of the Shyre of Nairn,
compeared Major James Fraser of Castleleathers, aged eighty-eight,
and going on eighty-nine, who being solemnly sworn, maketh oath,
and says That he was well acquainted with the deceased Hugh
Fraser of Foyers, and that he knows when, in the end of the laty
Queen Anne's reign, pensions were distributed among the High-
laud clans, and that Alexander Mackenzie of Fraserdale, who then
possessed the estate of Lovat, and was married to the eldest
daughter of Hugh Lord Lovat, had one of those pensions, and
made ane offer of part of it to the said Hugh Fraser for coming in to
his measures. The said Hugh Fraser refused to accept the same,
as he understood it was to support the Pretender's interest ; and
that some time after, the said Hugh Fraser. and the deceased Hugh
Fraser of Stray, and Alexander Fraser of Culduthel, and he, the
said James Fraser, met together and wrote a letter to the late
Duke of Argyle acquainting him of what had passed, and that
they were ready to raise the greatest part of the Clan Fraser, and
join with his Grace in support of the Protestant succession. That
the said Hugh Fraser went afterwards to Edinburgh by advice of
the well-affected gentlemen of the name of Fraser, and was by the
deceased Mr James Cuthbert, who was minister of Culross, and a
relation of the Family of Lovat, introduced to such as were in
concert at Edinburgh to support the Protestant succession. That
he likeways knows when the late Alexander Macdonell of Glen-
garry and Colin Campbell of Glendaruel were, after the death of
the late Queen Ann, soliciting ane address among the Highland
Clans to the Pretender. The said Hugh Fraser of Foyers refused
to sign the same, and that he and the other gentlemen of the name
of Fraser who were above mentioned drew up ane address to his
late Majesty, which they sent to the late Duke of Argyle ; That
he likeways knows when, after the accession of his late Majesty,
the Rebellion broke out in the year one thousand seven hundred
and fifteen, the said Hugh Fraser of Foyers (who had then been
appointed by his Majesty one of the Deputy Lieutenants in the
north) did, at his own expense, raise a body of men for the King's
Service when the other Highland Clans were gathering around to
26 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
go to Perth, and that the body of men which he raised joined the
Earl of Sutherland and the late Lord Lovat when they got to-
the country, and raised their men for the King's Service, and that,
at the request of the late Lord President Forbes and his brother,
the late John Forbes of Culloden, the said Hugh Fraser put a
garrison of his men in the house of Culloden, and defended it
against the Rebels who were then in possession of the town of
Inverness, within two miles of the said House, and when the Earl
of Sutherland and the late Lord Lovat, after they came to the
country and had raised so many men for the servcie of his late
Majesty, and wanted to send some intelligence to the late Duke of
Argyle, then at Stirling with his Majesty's Troops, the said Hugh
Fraser was the person singled out to go with their Dispatches, and
that he remembers he went and returned in the winter tyme from.
Stirling to Perth, where th« greatest part of the Clan Fraser were
with Fraserdale then in Rebellion, and by the said Hugh Fraser of
Foyers' connection with and influence on that part of the Clan
made about three hundred of them desert in one night, who, upon
their home-coming, joined the late Lord Lovat and the Earl of
Sutherland, who were then in arms for his Majesty King George :
That he knows the said Hugh Fraser was, during the said.
Rebellion, at a considerable expense in the service of the Govern-
ment beyond what his small estate could afford, and that he run
in debt on that account. That he lykeways knows he and his
tenants did suffer damage in that tyme of the Rebels, tho' he does
not at this distance of tyme remember the particulars. That he
lykeways knows the said Hugh Fraser after the Rebellion (was
suppressed) made out a state of his case and ane affidavit of his
losses, in order to be laid before Sir Robert Walpole ; and Furder,
that the said Hugh Fraser told him, the deponent, then at London,,
that he was desired by the late General Cadogan, with whom he
was acquainted when that General was in the North of Scotland,
to come up to London, and that he should have his interest with
the Ministry to have his losses made up and a place or pension,
given him for his ' loyalty and attachment. P»ut upon his
telling Lord Lovat that he was to apply to General Cadogan for
that end, he, Lord Lovat, absolutely discharged him, as it
then happened Lord Lovat and General Cadogan were of
different parties ; and Lord Lovat, in the Deponent's hearing, at
sundry times when they were at London, desired Hugh Fraser of
Foyers to goe home, and that he would take care of his interest
both at London and home, and that he would advance him money
to pay all the losses he had sustained and debt he had contracted
The Frasers of Foyers. 27
in support of the Government ; and moreover depones that Lord
Lovat brought the said Hugh Fraser of Foyers to wait of the late
Duke of Argyle, who gave him his hand and assured him as soon
as it was in his power he should be provided for : and Furder
depones that it consists with the deponent's knowledge that the
said Hugh Fraser of Foyers by his dexterity and management in
many particulars was at that period very instrumental in quelling
the then rebellion in the north ; and siklyke Depones that the
present James Fraser of Foyers was the first man of four who had
entered into a resolution to stand by the Government when the
Rebellion of jm viic and forty-five broke out, who signed a letter
to the present Duke of Argyle for that purpose, which Deed being
made known to the late Lord Lovat, nothing but destruction was
denounced against him by Lord Lovat for entering into such
without his knowledge, which the deponent believes and had
reason to know as well as many others, was the sole cause of the
said James Fraser of Foyers his being induced by Lord Lovat to
go into the last Rebellion, as Lovat kept a sum of money that
was due him by Foyers as a fferule over his head, and being a
weak man, though honest, was by him intimidate from putting
his former resolution in execution, which is truth as he shall
answer to God, and Depones he cannot write by reason of a tremor
in his hand. (Signed). " ALEX. INGLIS.
( ,, ) " GEO. DONALDSONS."
(3. 1759). "George Drummond, Esquire, Lord Provost of
Edinburgh, maketh oath and says, That he was acquainted with
the deceased Hugh Fraser of Foyers, and that it consists with his
knowledge The said Hugh Fraser did come to Edinburgh in the
end of the late Queen Anne's reign, and was introduced to him
and some other gentlemen who were then in concert to support
the Protestant Succession in his late Majesty's Family in the event
of the Queen's death, as a gentleman of Family who had a con
siderable interest among the Clan Fraser, and that the said Hugh
Fmser did treat and settle with him and the other Gentlemen in
the concert, that he would undertake for the greatest part of the
Clan Fraser, to join with them in support of the Protestant
Succession in his said late Majesty's person and Family, and that
if they took the field, He would raise a body of men and endeavour
to join them. That the Gentlemen in this concert were, Colonel
John Erskine of Carnock, Colonel William Maxwell of Cardoiiesse,
Colonel John Blackatter, Captain John Campbell of Wellwood,
Major James Aikman, Henry Cunninghame of Balquhan, John
Campbell, late Provost of Edinburgh, Archibald Macauley also
28 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
late Provost of Edinburgh, and Mr James Cuthbert, minister at
Culross, who are all of them now dead, except the said Archibald
Macauley, and the Declarant. That there were some others
whose names he does not now particularly remember, and that a
part of their plan was to make what interest they could among
the Highland Clans, by means of such Gentlemen as they under-
stood to be well affected, and have influence among them. He
further says that after the Accession of his late Majesty, when in
the winter of the year jm viic and fifteen, he was at Stirling with
the late Duke of Argyle, who then commanded his Majesty's
Troops in Scotland, he remembers to have seen the said Hugh
Fraser of Foyers come there to the said Duke, and ths.t he
brought him some important intelligence from the King's Friends,
then assembled in the north, and that he^particularly remembers
the paper he brought was concealed in the heart of a stick he
walked with in his hand ; and that there was at the time a great
fall of snow upon the ground, and that he returned with an answer
from the Duke to the King's friends in the north.
(Signed) " GEO. DRUMMOND.
Sworn before me at Edinburgh, the twenty-fourth day of Feb-
ruary, 1759. (Signed) "AND. SIMPSON, J.P."
Hugh was succeeded by his brother
X. JAMES, described in 1719 as only brother to the deceased
Hugh Fraser, younger of Foyers. He received much kindness
in arranging the embarrassed affairs of the family from Lord
Lovat, who on 30th September, 1725, granted him letters of
Bailiary over the lands of Stratherrick. Mr Anderson, in his
history before alluded to, gives currency to the story of Lord
Lovat's having been accessory to the serious outrage in the
slaughter of one hundred milch cows belonging to Castlehill, and
the destruction of his enclosures. A perusal of the following
letter must acquit his lordship of this odious charge : —
" Bath, the 23rd of September, 1724.
" Dear Foyers, — How soon you receive this letter I desire you
to come immediately into Inverness, and find out the authors of
the base calumony (wrote of you, to me and Col. Munro), that by
your direction the murdering villain Donald Dubh, 'Clessick,'
killed and destroyed Castlehills cows. I know and believe in my
soul you are very innocent, bur. you deserve this misfortune for
keeping that rogue in your hands after my threatening letter to
you that I would never speak to you if you did not seize him and
deliver him bound to Culloden. This story, though false, will
The Frasers of Foyers. 2$
ruin for ever your reputation if you do not find out the authors,
and get due and honourable satisfaction. It may likewise do me
hurt, so I desire for your own sake and mine, to trace out the story
and behave like a gentleman ; and if that villain can be had, seize
him and deliver him to Culloden as I desired you before. If you
do not this I shall renounce jou as my friend, relation, or
acquaintance, and I shall never see your face when I can shun it.
" If you can find no author, bring two or three honest gentle-
men with you to the Cross, and to Cuthbert's Coffee House, and
tell aloud that any who were the authors or promoters of that
calumny are rogues and rascals. Call on my friend and doer at
Inverness, Commissary Munro, and he will advise you. I long to
know how you will behave, and of all friends, dear Foyers, your
own, (Signed) " LOVAT."
Foyers, who was counted by his contemporaries as rather a
weak man, married Katherine Fraser, and left two sons — Hugh,
who succeeded, and Simon, also one da ighter, Anne. He went out
in 1745, and, perhaps, the most important document he received in
connection with the rising, was the following, which has most
fortunately been preserved, and having the seal in good order.
It would seem that Prince Charles' advisers thought no duty could
be more agreeable to Lord Lovat than to apprehend the President,
He hesitated, however, to commit himself so openly, and the
business was entrusted to, but not executed by, Foyers, whose
elder brother, Hugh, had taken jrreat credit for defending of
Culloden in 1715.
(L.S.) — " Charles, Prince of Wales, and Regent of Scotland,
England, France, -and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belong-
ing, To James ftraser of Foyers — Whereas we gave a warrant some
time ago to the Lord Lovat to apprehend and secure the person of
Duncan Forbes of Culloden, which warrant, for sufficient reason,
he could not put into execution : We now jiidge it necessary
hereby to impower you to seize upon the person of the above-
named Duncan Forbes, and when you have so seized and
apprehended him, to carry him prisoner to us at Edinburgh, or
where we shall happen to be for the time, for the doing of which
this shall be your warraiid. Given at His Majesty's Palace of
Holyroodhouse, the Twenty-third day of September, 1745.
" By his Highness' Command.
(Signed) " Jo. MURRAY."
XL HUGH, the eldest son of James, no doubt, in connection
with the latter having taken up arms, had the estates made over
30 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
to him by disposition, dated at Foyers, 5th November, 1745 He
married Christian Cameron, youngest daughter of Archibald
Cameron of Dungallon, contract dated Strontian, 29th June, 1742.
There was a large gathering at the function, and amongst the
bride's friends were John Cameron, then of Dungallon, her
brother, John Cameron of Fassifern, Alexander Cameron of Glen-
evis, Doctor Archibald Cameron, brother to Lochiel, and Allan
Cameron, brother to Glendessary ; and besides old Foyers, who
accompanied his son, the latter was supported by Thomas Fraser
of Garthmore, and his sons John and William.
Of this marriage there were issue, John, Simon, Isabel, mar-
ried in 1770 to George Cameron of Letterfinlay, Jean and
Katherine, described in her post-nuptial contract of marriage with
the Rev. Alexander Fraser of Kilmirilie, dated 1st and 6th
February, 1787, as third lawful daughter of Hugh Fraser of
Foyers.
The affairs of the family were so embarrassed that Hugh had
to make up titles by a friendly adjudication, and was indebted
to the substantial assistance of General Simon Fraser of
Lovat. The letter, after given to James of Foyers, dated the
very day the first Fraser Fencibles were ordered to be raised, must
be interesting to all of the name in especial : —
" Dear Sir, — I am sure it will give you pleasure to know that
His Majesty has been graciously pleased to signify his intention of
appointing me to the command of a regiment of Highlanders to be
forthwith raised for American service. And as the quickness that
is expected in raising them is a great inducement for the measure,
I flatter myself my friends will leave no stone unturned to have
this done with credit to me, whose honour and interest through
life depend on my success in this, and I am satisfied I may on
every occasion as well as on this depend on you in what so nearly
concerns me. As I have not time to-night to write to every one
whose assistance I expect, I must beg you will communicate this
to such gentlemen as you think proper. I shall endeavour to pro-
cure commissions for somp young gentlemen of the name, but
these particulars must be subject of another letter. I thought it
necessary to give you and the other friends this early notice, that
you may take measures in the meantime for exerting yourselves
with vigour in my behalf. I offer my compliments to your lady,
and all friends, and always am very sincerely, my dear Foyers,
yours, (Signed) S. FRASER.
*< London, 4th January, 1757."
The Frasers of Foyers. 31
James Fraser of Foyers and his wife Katharine are both alive
in 1759. Hugh Fraser's eldest son John, who had on 12th March,
1774, received a commission in Lord Adam Gordon's Co., 1st
Battalion 1st Royals, died without issue, and the succession opened
up on Hugh's death in 1790, to his second son,
XII. SIMON FRASER, last Laird of Foyers of Sliochd Huistean
Frangach. Simon Fraser, born in 1760, married Elizabeth Grant,
daughter of Patrick Grant of Glenmoriston, post-nuptial contract
is dated 26th and 30th March, 1789. In 1778 Simon Fraser
received commission as lieutenant of the Northern Fencibles, and
was made a Burgess of Kircudbright. In the following year he is
admitted Burgess of St Andrew's, and in 1794 he is Captain in the
Strathspey Fencibles.
In the severe straggle for the representation of Inverness- shire,
at the beginning of the century, twixt the Lovats and Grants,
Foyers, no doubt through his connection with Glenmoriston, sup-
ported Mr Charles Grant. This gave mortal affront to the Hon.
Archibald Fraser, who, an adept at nicknames, dubbed him for
ever after to be no longer known as Simon Fraser, but " Simon
Grant." Lovat carried his resentment still further by obtaining
possession of excambion of the Glebe of Boleskine, in the heart of
Foyers Estate, whereon he built Boleskine House, and resided
there pretty constantly, troubling him with marches and fencing,
and proving a thorny reminder to " Simon Grant " of the latter's
misdoings.
Foyers' only child Jean, a young lady, judging by her letters,
of an unusually amiable and pious disposition, married Captain
Thomas Fraser of Balnain in 1817, dying, much lamented, same
year, in the flower of her age. Foyers himself was most hospitable.
No one ever passed his door who had the remotest claims upon
him, and his house was a veritable hotel. Unfortunately he was
of an easy temper, readily cajoled. His own debts at the
beginning of the century did not exceed £2000, but he became
involved with Rothiemurchus, Letterfinlay, Anderson of Gortuleg,
and numerous others, so that in 1825 it had run up to ,£10,000,
and by 1836 to £14,000. After his death, on 27th April, 1842,
the estates fell under sequestration, but all creditors were ulti-
mately paid, as the estate fetched a handsome price.
In no part has there been greater changes than in Stratherrick.
Many years ago I wrote an article, " The Stratherrick Frasers :
where are they ? " The question may be repeated now. In the
male line there are three — Landowners — Lovat, Ardochie, and
Balnain, and in the female line one — Aldourie, four in all. But
32 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
where are the important families of Farraline, Gortuleg, Abersky,.
and Ardochy, Bochruber and Bunchegavie, Dalcrag, Dunchea, Dell
and Drummond, Errogie and Erchite, Garthmore, Garthbeg and
Glendo, Knockie, Kinbrylie, Knockcoilum and Kininonavie, Lead-
chine, Migavie, and others 1 The ancients who, each in their day,
\vell fulfilled their parts,
" After life's fitful fever, sleep well "
in that picturesque sacred ground overlooking the queen of High-
land lakes, undisturbed, even although Loch Ness may be lashed
into fury by the winter storm ; the Fechlin may roar in angry
flood ; or the " Feadanun Straharrigag," tuning up and encourag-
ing each other " Seid Suas " — "Seid Suas " — may whistle suffici-
ently shrilly and piercingly to satisfy even Boreas in his breeziest
mood. But few of their descendants^are to be found in Strath-
errick, and the great bulk lie low elsewhere, or must be searched
for in the Lowlands, in England, in India, in Australasia, in the
United States, and chiefly in the great Dominion of Canada.
Cha till iad gu brath
Gu la mor a chruiuno.
I have thus narrated the history of the main line of Huistean
Frangach, which, now landless, save the little burial ground on
the Black Rock of Foyers, held its own under many vicissitudes for
over 300 years with credit and respect.
18th JANUARY, 1892.
TWENTIETH ANNUAL DINNER.
The Twentieth Annual Dinner of the Society was held in the
Victoria Hotel this evening. The chair was to have been taken
by Mr J. Douglas Fletcher of Rosehaugh, Chief of the Society, but
the roads in the Black Isle being blocked with snow, a telegram
was received $tating that he found it impossible to be present. A
number of other prominent gentlemen were similarly detained.
Provost Ross presided, and Bailie Mackenzie and Mr Alex. Mac-
bain, M.A., acted as croupiers.
After dinner, the Chairman proposed the loyal toasts, followed
by that of the Army, Navy, and Reserve Forces.
Twentieth Annual Dinner. 33
The Secretary thereafter read letters of apology for absence
from a large number of members of the Society, and submitted
the annual report of the Executive, which was as follows : —
" The Council are in a position to state that the prosperity and
usefulness which marked the history of the Society in past years
still continue. Valuable papers were read at the Society's meet-
ings during session 1890-91. and these will appear in the
seventeenth volume of the Society's Transactions, which is at
present in the press, and will soon be delivered to the members.
The syllabus for session 1891-92 is in the hands of the members
present, and contains papers on subjects of great interest to
Highlanders. For The Mackintosh's prize of ten guineas for the
best essay on " The Social Condition of the Highlands since 1800,"
three competitors appeared, and the prize was awarded to Mr A.
Poison, Dunbeath, Caithness. During the year, 27 new members
joined the Society, viz., 1 life member, 3 honorary members, and
23 ordinary members. Donations of several volumes were made
to the library. The accounts of the Society for the past year
show the following results, viz. : — Total income during year
(including £23 brought forward from previous year, and a donation
of £25 from Mr Fletcher of Rosehaugh, Chief of the Society),
£163 18s 5d ; expenditure, £129 4s 5d ; leaving a balance at the
credit of the Society's bank account, with the Bank of Scotland,
of £34 13s. The large outlay from year to year incurred by the
Society in connection with the publication of the Transactions is a
heavy drain upon the revenue, and the Council hope that other
gentlemen interested in the Highlands will follow the excellent
.example of Mr Fletcher this year, and of The Mackintosh, Sir
Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch, and Mr Macdonald of Skaebost,
in previous years. The Council find that the ordinary subscrip-
tions paid by the members are not sufficient without some such
special gifts to meet the Society's expenditure, and they are
. unwilling to diminish the Society's usefulness by curtailing the
annual volume.
The Chairman then proposed the toast of the evening,
" Success to the Gaelic Society of Inverness." He explained that
although the Chief was detained at home, he had sent his speech,
which he would read to the meeting. It was as follows :—
Before submitting to you the toast of the evening, " Success
to the Gaelic Society of Inverness," allow me to tender you my
- heart-felt thanks for the great honour you have conferred upon
me by electing me Chief of this important and influential Society.
34 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
I do not indulge in the language of flattery when I say that I
appreciate your kindness more than I can express, and I shall
always look back with pride upon the period during which I have
enjoyed this special mark of your favour. With regard to my own
fitness for the office, and your wisdom in selecting me, I shall say
nothing, except that you must accept all responsibilities for my
shortcomings. I also consider it right that I should repeat now,
what I have already expressed in writing, my deep regret for not
being able to be present at the annual re-union of the members of
the Society in the month of July. Up to the eleventh hour 1 had
fully intended being present, but I was forced to keep another
engagement, which would not by any possibility admit of being
put off, and, consequently, had to fall back upon a substitute. I
was particularly gratified to understand that the meeting was a
great success. I am, 1 need hardly say, more than delighted to
be here this evening, and to see present, notwithstanding the
influenza, which is making such ravages all over the country, such
a large number of well known gentlemen. And among these I
am glad to recognise not a few who have taken an active part in
the upbuilding of the Society, and extending its sphere of useful-
ness far and wide. Gentlemen, I need hardly tell you that I
heartily sympathise with the aims and objects of this Society.
It is now on the point of attaining its majority, and I therefore
consider it a very fitting time to take a cursory retrospective view
of its past work, and then I should like to indulge for a few
minutes in a prospective view of what the Society is still likely to
do. Well, then, gentlemen, what has the Society done during
these twenty years of its existence 1 Much every way. But,
gentlemen, much btill remains to be done. For a recerd of the
work accomplished during these years, I have only to refer you to
the sixteen volumes of the Transactions of the Society, which con-
tain a rich store of choice and valuable literature, bearing upon
the language and customs of the Gael. As you are well
aware, this Society has not been the first in the field, to
represent the Highland race, but without intending any
disparagement, when we compare the work accomplished by those
kindred Societies with that done by our own, it has to be admitted
that the Inverness Gaelic Society has accomplished far more than
any other similar society in existence, and I do not wonder if the
members of the Inverness Society feel a silent pride in being con-
nected with it. But, gentlemen, we cannot afford to rest satisfied
with our past achievements ; on the contrary, much still remains
to be overtaken, and unless this task is performed within a com-
Twentieth Annual Dinner. 35
paratively short period, it shall become an impossibility at any
future time. How so ? I fancy I hear some person ask. Well,
unless collected without delay, much of the traditional lore and
poetry will perish, because the Code Education of the youth of our
straths, glens, and fertile valleys is completely revolutionising the
current of thought among the rising generation. Then, too, the
introduction and continuous extension of the railway system has
done much to alter the old state of matters. What I may term a
levelling process is going on, and I firmly be ieve that to those two
agencies alone is due the great decrease which the last census
shewed to have taken place in the rural population of the North
of Scotland. Our young men and women, being educated, and
possessing easy facilities of moving about, naturally migrate to
those centres which place the greatest value upon their services.
In the opinion of many, Gaelic is destined to be extinguished by
the agencies at work within a measurable period of time. But it
is my own opinion that it may long survive the battering of pre-
sent destructive agencies, just as it survived deliberate attempts
to kill it out in the past. At anyrate, it will live as long as High-
landers choose to keep it alive, and value as they should the gift
of speaking more than one language. Be it remembered that the
Crofters' Act has anchored a large number of the Highland people
an the Highlands and Islands, by giving them security of tenure
on payment of fair rents, with compensation for improvements on
leaving their holdings. Surely Gaelic is in no danger of perishing
soon in the crofting townships. Then it may be held almost as a
certainty that large farms are destined soon to go out of
fashion, and that the breaking up of such farms will lead
largely to the formation of a class of desirable moderate
holdings, of which we may hope industrious Highlanders
und crofters, pushing their way up in the world, will become
thriving tenants. But although Gaelic may live, and High-
landers may hold the Highlands more strongly than they do at
present, there is no time to lose in gathering up the old lore, which
is dying out with the older generation. We, therefore, ought to
•collect and preserve all that is good and noble in the legacy of
the past. This leads me to say that those who have an aptitude
for undertaking such work are year by year becoming fewer and
fewer. While I speak, I am sure that several names will suggest
themselves to you of those who have during the past year passed
over to the great majority, but thanks to the existence of the
Gaelic Society of Inverness, though they are dead their works
live, and shall be greatly valued by Celtic students all over the
36 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
world. It would be nothing short of presumption on my part to
refer in detail to the respective merits of individuals. I prefer
leaving that to abler and more competent hands, but I would
venture to say this much, that their loss should act as a stimulus,
to urge our members to do some work for the Society. As an
example of industry I would refer, in passing, to the action of Mr
Paul Cameron, Blair-A thole. That gentleman, when his daj-'s
work was over, made a raid upon some cottage or bothy where
a good thing could be got, and there wrote down many excellent
songs from the lips of those most qualified to give them ; and so
he rescued from oblivion a valuable collection of poetry, which
otherwise would have been lost for ever. Many of these songs
are to be reproduced in our next volume of the Transactions. I
hope some of our other members will^mulate Mr Cameron in this
respect. I am glad to see near me such earnest workers as Mr
Campbell, the editor of the Northern Chronicle, who has rendered
good service to the cause of Celtic literature. I am told, on?
excellent authority, that we have with us to-night one of the best
living Celtic scholars. I refer to Mr Alexander Macbain, M. A., the
popular and genial rector of Earnings' Institution, Inverness. His-
published works and contributions to the press on the subjects of"
Celtic literature, are read and highly valued by philologists all
over the world ; and his able editorship of the Highland Monthly, in
conjunction with Mr Campbell, is so well known that it requires no-
commendation from me. Then, there's my friend, Mr Mackenzie,
better known to Celtic scholars as the editor of the Celtic
Magazine, now, unfortunately, defunct ; but I believe he shall be
known in the years that are to come, as the author of many
Highland clan histories. I think I saw it somewhere stated that
Mr Mackenzie was the most voluminous writer of any man nortn
of the Grampians, and from what I can hear, he has not nearly
exhausted himself yet ; and all that I can say, and I am sure I
re-echo your wishes, when I say more power to him, and may *hi&
shadow never grow less. Gentlemen, I could go on multiplying
examples. For instance, there are my friends Mr William Mackay,
Sir Henry Macandrew, and others, but I shall not trespass any
further upon your patience by naming more. Then, as to the ,
future, I don't know that we can do anything different, or better
than has been done in the past, but the moral that I wish to be
drawn from what I have said to-night is this, that if we are to do
any real sterling work, it must be done without delay, because at
present the labourers are becoming fewer and the field of labour
more contracted. I do trust, gentlemen, that as a result of this
Twentieth Annual Dinner 37
meeting, we shall become more determined than ever to stand up
and defend to the utmost everything that is distinctively national.
I hope never to see the day when we shall forget to think of the
martial spirit of our Highland ancestors, or to stand up in defence
of the characteristic dress, the language, the music, and the
customs of our ancestors, in short, to preserve our national spirit.
England is slowly but surely encroaching upon some of our
national rights, and I was exceedingly glad to see that the effort
made in high military quarters to change the Inverness county
regiment into a battalion of the Scots Guards, was successfully
resisted. To deal in such a way with the Cameron Highlanders
would be offering one of the greatest possible insults, not only to
Higlanders, but to Scotchmen, for have not our Highland regi-
ments distinguished themselves 011 behalf of Great Britain in all
parts of the world ? I am tempted to quote to you the high
character bestowed upon Highland soldiers by that distinguished
statesmen, the Earl of Chatham. He said — " I sought for merit
wherever it was to be found. It is my boast that I was the first
minister who looked for it and found it in the mountains of the
north ? I called forth, and drew into your service an hardy and
intrepid race of men ! Men who, when left by your jealousy,
•become a prey to the artifices of your enemies, and had gone nigh
to overturn the State in the war before the last. These men, in
the last war, were brought to combat on your side ; they served
with fidelity, as they fought with valour, and conquered for you
in every part of the world." This great compliment is as true to-
day as it was in 1766. Gentlemen. I call upon you to drink with
all the honours the toast of the Gaelic Society of Inverness. Long
may it flourish ; long may it continue to do useful work ; and
long may it act as a means for bringing together such a happy,
genial, and jolly company as we have here this evening.
The next toast was Celtic Literature and Highland Education,
which stood opposite the name of Sir Henry Macandrew, but this
gentleman being confined to the house, his place was taken by Dr
F. M. Mackenzie, who referred in brief, but eloquent, terms to the
literature and education of the Highlands.
Mr J. L. Robertson, H.M. Inspector of Schools, who responded,
said, with regard to Celtic literature, great attention was being
paid to it at the present time, as it was found that it contained a
store of valuable material. He quite concurred with what Dr
Mackenzie had said about the old schools in the Highlands. They
turned out wonderfully good scholars, considering the dis-
advantages they had to contend with. Of late there had been a
38 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
great development of popular education, which was a matter
of great importance to the community. At one time the few went
to the University, while the great mass of the people remained
practically illiterate. Lord Napier's Commission, in their
report, stated that 40 per cent, of the adult population
of the Long Island signed their marriage certificates by
mark. Now, however, he was glad to say that a wonder-
ful improvement had taken place among the inhabitants
of the Western Isles, and there was now hardly any illiteracy
worth speaking of. All the rejruite for the Militia and Royal
Naval Reserve were able to sign their names. For one thing, a
larger number of newspapers were now circulating among the
Western population than ever had been the case before. Then,
with regard to higher education, he thdtight it would be available in
the Highlands within a measurably short time. Of late they had
the matter brought prominently before them, and he might say he
had just returned from the West Coast, from a very remote part
of it, and great interest was manifested in the subject there. He
was interested in the development of technical education, as it
affected the industrial interests of the community. The two
subjects which they had specially set their hearts upon were
those of agriculture and navigation, and he was glad that
the local managers on the West Coast had taken a lively
interest in the matter. Attention also was given to the subjects of
hygiene, public health, practical cookery, and other allied
subjects, and he was specially pleased that the County Council
had promised substantial encouragement. On the question of the
education code, an official such as he was would be expected to
be reticent. He might say, however, that the difficulties
of education in the West Highlands had received the closest
sympathy of the Education Department. Of late, as they
knew, it had been found that the financial burden of edu-
cation was sometimes more than the locality was able to
bear. There was a threatened collapse of the educational
machinery of the West Coast, and the Department came
to the rescue with no unsparing hand, and the result was
gratifying and encouraging. He had also to say that,
in a Society like this, where prominence was given to the Gaelic
language, they would like to know how Gaelic fared in the -new
regulations. Well, he was glad to tell them that it had a distinct
place, as it was found valuable as an agent in acquiring the Eng-
lish language. For himself he did all he could to
keep it in a prominent place in the educational system. They had
Twentieth Annual Dinner. 39
all, however, to admit that however much they might feel it a
matter of keen interest to themselves to preserve the Gaelic langu-
age, the acquisition of a facility in the use of English should not be
underestimated at present in the social development of the High-
land people. Now that the Crofters' Act had made crofters on the
West Coast real proprietors, and that really no evictions on a large
scale could take place, he thought they need not grudge to educa-
tion the effect it would ultimately have of producing a
natural migration, at least among those who became restless with
their surroundings, and such a movement must in some parts
of the Highlands inevitably take place. It was of the highest
importance that education should receive cordial encouragement
from any Government which may be in office, for the sake of the
wellbeing of the people of the west, and he thought he could
give the assurance that was done at present, so far as the
regulations of the Education Department was concerned.
The Provost next proposed The Agricultural and Commercial
Interests of the Highlands, a toast which was received with
applause. When one looked back for the last two centuries, he
could not but be struck with the extraordinary phases which the
agriculture of the country had passed through. They found that
1693 to 1700 were years of great dearth, as were 1740-1788, and,
yet, so conservative were the times, in 1695 two vessels bringing
grain from Ireland were, by order of the Council, " staned," and
the ships given over to Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchenbreck,
who had seized them. Later on, people knew better, and now
they could always ward off actnal starvation by the facility with
which foreign grain could be poured in. This was, so far, satis-
factory ; and it was also satisfactory to know that if prices did not
run so high as of old, starvation and starvation prices were things
of the past. No doubt, they did not get all they would like, but
he confessed he should like to give inducements to agriculturists to
invest capital in land increased, and a greater desire amongst our
agricultural labourers to remain in the country. The tendency of
the population to town life was not, in his opinion, a healthy sign,
either morally or physically. No doubt, the life of an agricul-
turist was one of long and hard labour, and, to a young energetic
man, did not offer the chance of rising to opulence ; yet there were
many compensations as against town life — especially when the
country man failed in the great struggle. If many of the rural
population knew the risks of such a failure, and the consequences
of sinking to the bottom of the ladder, he would hesitate ere he
left his native gleu and fields. He hoped legislation might so
40 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
increase the comforts and attractions of country life, that there
would be an exodus from the towns, and that, with the improve-
ment of agricultural prospects, commercial interests would improve
"With regard to commercial matters, it must be acknowledged that
such prospects were fairly bright.
Mr Jas. Gossip responded for the first part of the toast, taking
the pltice of Major Jackson, who was storm-stayed, and ex-Bailie
Macbean replied for the commercial aspect of the toast in a few
sentences.
Mr Wm. Mackay, in proposing the next toast, " Kindred
Societies," said it might not be out of place for him to look back
on the period of almost twenty-one years which had passed since
this society was established. Twenty- one years was, for a literary
society, a very good old age, and of *he kindred societies which
were in existence in 1871, very few now survived. In Inverness
there were then two healthy societies — the Noetic and the Liter-
ary Institute — not to speak of smaller associations. Of them all,
not one now existed. The Field Club was the junior of this
society by several years. It had given two excellent volumes to the
public, and long might it flourish. Long also might the youthful
Inverness Parliamentary and Literary Society live to enlighten
the public on political questions which were beyond the scope of
the Gaelic Society. If they looked beyond the bounds of their
own good tovvn, perhaps the only survivor of the societies which
in 1871 took an interest in Highland lore and literature was the
Gaelic Society of London, which was as vigorous now as it was in
the early years of this century. One result of the impetus given
to the study of Gaelic literature, and the gathering of Highland
legends and folk-lore principally, lie might say, by their own
Society, was that similar societies sprang up in the large towns of
the south, and in America and the Colonies. Some of these had
but a short career, but others were still in life and doing good
work. They had not been able, as the Gaelic Society had, to
publish sixteen or seventeen volumes of transactions ; but one of
them — the Gaelic Society of Glasgow — last year published one
very interesting book, and all had done well in spreading the
knowledge of Celtic literature and Highland lore. As one of the
most vigorous of these- he might be allowed to mention the High-
land Association of Illinois, which held its meetings in Chicago,
and which was founded about eighteen years ago by a brother of
his own, who was nowr no more.
Mr Geo. J. Campbell, solicitor, with whose name the toast was
Twentieth Annual Dinner. 41
coupled as a representative of the Field Club, referred to the
published transactions of that Society, remarking that the first
volume was now worth <£2, while the second volume was valued
at not less than 15s.
Ex-Bailie Mackenzie proposed, in appropriate terms, the toast
of non-resident members, which was duly honoured.
Mr Alex. Mackenzie, Scottish Highlander, gave the toast of
the Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council of Inverness. The
toast \vas pledged with Highland honours.
Provost Ross responded, remarking on Mr Mackenzie's services
as a good Town Councillor.
Mr Duncan Campbell, editor of the Chronicle, proposed the
toast of the clergy of all denominations, and expressed regret that
there was not a member of the cloth present to respond. Mr
Alex. Macbain gave the press ; and the Provost proposed the
health of the Secretary, Mr D. Mackintosh, to whose labours, he
said, the great success of the evening was entirely due. He
hoped Mr Mackintosh would long continue to act in the capacity
of Secretary to the Society. Mr Mackintosh returned thanks for
the enthusiastic manner in which they received the toast of his
health, and said that no doubt the working of the Society
required a good deal of close attention, but that without the
-assistance of an active and willing Council he would not be able
to overtake the work. Mr Steele, banker, proposed the health of
the Chairman, and Mr H. V. Maccallum the Croupiers, each of
whom responded. Mr Alex. Mackenzie proposed the health of Mr
and Mrs Campbell, their host and hostess. During the evening
songs were contributed by Mr Leslie Fraser ; Mr D. Miller ; Mr
Hugh Fraser ; Mr Whitehead ; and others. After " Auld Lang
Syne " had been sung by the company, a number of the more
•enthusiastic of the party indulged in a Highland Reel to the
.stirring strains of the Society's piper, Pipe Major Ronald Mac-
kenzie.
18th JANUARY, 1892.
This evening was devoted to the nomination of office-bearers
for 1892.
42 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
%6th JANUARY, 1892.
At this meeting the office-bearers for the year were duly elected.
The following gentleman were elected members of the Society,.
viz : — Honorary member — Mr J. M. Smith of Woodlands, Inver-
ness. Ordinary members — Mr Hector Sutherland, town-clerk,
Wick ; Mr Alex. Macpherson, of Macpherson Bros., Inglis Street,
Inverness ; and Mr A. Macbean, of Messrs Ferguson <fe Macbean,
jewellers, Union Street, Inverness.
The Secretary intimated the following donations towards the
funds of the Society, viz. : — J. D. Fletcher of Rosehaugh,
.£25 ; Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie, Bart, of Gairloch, £5 ; and was
instructed to convey to these gentlemen the sincere thanks of the
Society for their handsome contributions.
3rd FEBRUARY, 1892.
The following gentlemen were elected members at this
meeting, viz. : — Mr Robert Urquhart, jun., solicitor, Forres ; Mr-
John Sutherland, rector> Andersonian Institution, Forres ; Mr-
Hector Mackinnon, accountant, British Linen Co. Bank, Inver-
ness ; and Mr David Clarke, reporter, Charles Street, Inverness.
Thereafter, Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., read a paper contributed
by Mr A. Poison, Dunbeath, entitled " Some Highland Fishermen's
Fancies." Mr Poison's paper was as follows : —
SOME HIGHLAND FISHERMEN'S FANCIES.
Fishermen of all ages and of all places are said to have been
superstitious, and, when the nature of their calling is considered,
it is no wonder that they should be so.
In most people there is a superstitious vein, and the means by
which people seek to pry into the unknown and unknowable
future, to ward oft' danger and misfortune, and to ensure safety
and success, are very varied and intensely interesting to those
who themselves neither use these methods nor entertain these
beliefs. It is no wonder that Highland tishermen should ^ave
strong and peculiar notions as to how luck is ensured, when^they
sometimes find that boats within a stone's throw of them on either
side have in the morning large -hauls of fish, while they themselves,
are blank ; and that this happens day after day, when to [all
human appearances there is no difference in the circumstances.
Some Highland Fishermen's Fancies. 43
Though the origin of most of these superstitions is lost, a few
can still be traced. One of their most peculiar fancies is, that it
is unlucky to meet a minister on their way to sea ; and if they see
one, they take some trouble to get out of his way. They also
have the strongest aversion to take ministers aboard or to give
them a passage from one port to the other. On inquiry, it has
been found that some Caithness sailors of long ago, took a number
of ministers to Leith to attend a General Assembly, and that the
passage was exceedingly stormy But when Leith was reached,
and as soon as the ministers were landed, the wind ceased.
The sailors, from this circumstance, formed the belief that the
prince of the power of the air thought that while they were on
the waters he might, by exercising his power, get these men, who
were the enemies of his kingdom, out of the way. Similarly, a
fisherman who gets a minister's blessing on going to sea will have
the prince of the power of the air as his enemy, and it is therefore
questionable if ever he may come ashore again.
It must not, however, be concluded from this that northern
fishermen are irreligious, for they certainly are not, and a great
number of them " trust in God and do the right ;" and after
having shot their nets at night, many crews have worship, and the
plaintive Gaelic singing borne over the waves is peculiarly
effective.
In common with nearly all seafaring men, Highland fishermen
believe that whistling will be followed by wind. This, it is
believed, must have arisen from the knowledge that like gives rise
to like ; just as when one imitates the cry of a bird the mate will
respond. There is, however, no accounting for the notion that
striking a knife in the mast is quite as effective as whistling,
and can be resorted to by the sailors without the knowledge of
the skipper when they want to have a few extra days ashore.
There is another strange way of raising the wind, believed in
chiefly by the inhabitants of the Western Islands, and which
Caithness fishermen do not like, as it affects their catch of herring.
It seems that when the men leave the Lewis for the Caithness
fishing in July, some of the women left at home put a number of
knots on a woollen thread. Towards the end of the fishing or
earlier, if they are not successful, they undo these knots one by
one, with the result that the wind begins to rise, and the boats
not being able to get to sea, the " hired hands" are sent home.
They take great care not to undo the knots at too great a rate,
lest the wind should arise too suddenly, for the loss of the loved
ones might in this way be brought about if they happened to be
44 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
at sea when the last knot was being undone. A shorter way for
these women to make the weather stormy is to draw the cat
through the fire ; and, though how it came to be supposed that
pussy's sufferings have an influence on the weather would . bu
interesting, it is not ascertainable. At home, the fishermen's
wives must be careful not to blow any meal off oatcake they may
be baking, if they wish to avoid a hurricane which would similarly
blow their husbands' boats off the sea ; and if they happen to let
these cakes burn even with the meal on them their husbands can
expect little luck. These two strange beliefs ought to make the
wives attentive to their cooking and careful of waste ; as ought
also the belief that to throw any part of a fish — even a bone —
into the fire, will cause fish to be scarce. To count the boats
as they go to sea, is also, in some Sutherlandshire folks' esti-
mation, a wicked thing, as the consequence is likely to be the loss
of one of them.
It is, however, for the purpose of ensuring luck that the
grosser superstitions are practised. Luck has always been
regarded by most people as an exceedingly fickle thing ; but in
fishing, because of the inequality of results, and the apparently
blind hand by which the harvest of the sea is given, most fisher-
men do rather strange things to ensure that abundance shall fall
to their share. To this day they, more than any other class,
believe in witchcraft. The ways by which a woman can get such
a character is quite simple. She needs to be somewhat old, of a
masculine type, with hair enough on her face to make the bigger
schoolboys envious, and it is preferable that she live alone. Let a
fisherman give such a woman a " fry " or a present of herring from
his boat — say forty fish — and let her, in thanking him, wish that
he may come ashore with a shot of as many crans in the morn-
ing ; and then let it happen that he comes ashore with a shot of
about that number, the woman's character as a witch is firmly
established. Such a character is found to pay, and is, of course,
kept up.
A few years ago, on the Caithness coast, a fisherman gave au
old woman a piece of rope for a tether. She measured it, and
said " You will have a cran for every fathom of this, this very
night." The prophecy was fulfilled, and further tribute was sent
to Jean. She regularly, thereafter, came to the quay, and every
fisherman she exhorted to give to her " royally ;" and this they
did, believing that their future success depended on their
liberality. Asa consequence, "Jean Royal," as she cam* to be
known, flourished as one who was believed to be able to give or
Some Highland Fishermen's Fancies. 45.
withhold a good fishing, ought to. She was pompous and
authoritative, and kept up her character by dressing in as " man-
nish" a style as possible, wearing generally a man's jacket and a
plaid of shepherd's tartan. When herring were plentiful she
received large quantities, which she passed on to the curer, and so.
turned into money. This, together with the money she received
for " consultations," kept her in comparative comtort, until she
was no longer able to walk to the quay, and nobody is now known
who can openly take her place ; and, let it be added that there
are few fishermen of the present time who would accredit any who.
pretended to such powers. What superstition there still remains
is not openly professed, and if there be any rites practised they are
done in secret for fear of the youthful scoffers, who have been
educated at some of our schools. It is because they are afraid of
being held up to ridicule by the modern scoffers, and, perhaps,
because the efficacy of their methods may be impaired by the tell-
ing of them, that it is almost useless to seek any information
regarding them from fishermen themselves. The only person who,
would give the writer any information was an old fisherman who.
had abandoned his former occupation, and was, therefore, indepen-
dent of their powers. He candidly stated. his own belief in witch-
craft, giving, as his reasons, certain dealings which he had with a
reputed witch. He had been unsuccessful for a long time, and,
therefore, went to consult a lady who practised the diabolical
art. She frankly told him that she had sold his luck to an
acquaintance, and that this was done beyond recall for that
% season. She, however, expressed her willingness to arrange with
him for next season if he promised secrecy, as without that
nothing could be done. This he promised, and she then gave him
a sixpence which resembled all other sixpences except that it had
the letters " G. L." printed on it. When asked if these letters
stood for " Good Luck," she said it was not his business to ask any
questions. He was told that he was, at the opening of next
season, to get this coin spliced in the rope which ties the fleet of
nets to the boat. This he did, and began to make a splendid fish-
ing. Although he knew that the first Monday of the quarter was.
a critical time, he neglected to watch his boat, and when he looked
he found that the sixpence was gone. He scarcely expected to
fish much after that; "and," added he, "as sure as death a fort-
night passed before another scale was seen in the boat."
Fishermen tell a story of a youth who called on a witch more
for the fun of the thing than because he believed in her powers.
After receiving some silver she asked him how much herring he-
46 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
would like. He replied. " More than you can give me." She
asked again, and he replied, " as much as you can give." This
answer he repeated. Next night the young man went to sea.
Before the following morning his nets were so filled with herring
that they sank, and he was unable to recover a single loop of
them.
But without resorting to witches, there are several other
means by which fishermen and their relatives try to induce fickle
luck to step their way. A small silver coin fixed somewhere
among the nets, or a small piece of silver hidden in the boat on
the first day of the year is very useful. It seems strange that
fishermen should regard it as lucky that mice should nibble at
their nets when they are stored away during the winter. Some,
indeed, so strongly believe this that they put oats among them to
induce the mice, although the result of their nibbling entails their
working several weeks to repair the damage. It is also considered
lucky to throw a broom or an old shoe after a fisherman on his
way to sea ; and in strange contradiction of a widely accepted
superstition it is very lucky to have salt thrown after him.
As in other businesses, the first person met by him on his way
to sea is a lucky or an unlucky person. If lucky, he deserves,
and gets, something handsome out of the catch. If unlucky, the
fishermen evidently entertains him a grudge thereafter. It is
matter for regret that among a few it is believed to be particularly
lucky to go to sea very drunk on a certain day during the fishing
— the drunken crew believing that the bigger the spree the bigger
the catch.
But just as there are a great number of things which fisher-
men do to secure them luck, there are nearly as many things
which he must be careful not to do if he would retain that luck.
He must not start for the first time with a new boat on a
Friday. When at sea he must be careful, if he belongs to the
Banffshire coast, not to speak of salmon. If he does, he can
retain his luck only by shouting *' cold iron" at once. Caithness
fishermen, who attribute no superstitious importance to this fish,
delight to tease Banffshire men, by shouting to them some such
expression, " There's a salmon in your pump."
It is commonly believed to be all that a boat's luck is worth to
give anything away out of a boat at sea. Suppose a crew runs
short of water they will get a drink from another crew quite
readily, but not a drop to carry away, let water be ever so plentiful
with the givers. If a fisherman suspects that his fishing goes^to
-gome one else, and when none of his devices bring him back his
Some Highland Fishermen's Fancies. 47
luck, and when casting his nets from either side of his boat is of
no avail, he is quite sure of this ; he then takes a mouthful of
water from a running stream under a bridge, " where the living
and dead pass" (the latter on their way to burial) and sprinkles
it over his nets. If this should happen to bring back his luck he
must be particularly careful not to give it away by lending any-
thing out of the boats or even by giving a " fry" out of his earlier
catches. He must also be particular not to speak of any four-
footed animal, particularly a hare, while at sea. If he does, he
must touch some cold iron, which is by preference the horse shoe,
which is sometimes nailed inside the stern of the boat, and which
would nearly always be there if it were not for youthful scoffers,
and but for the fact that a small piece of mountain ash nailed in
the same place is equally efficacious in keeping off the adverse
witches. And who can doubt this ?
10th FEBRUARY,
The paper for this evening was contributed by Mr Hector
M'Lean, Islay. entitled, " The Iberians." Mr Murdo Macleod,
37 Chambers Street, Edinburgh, and Mr ^Eneas Mackay, book-
seller, Stirling, were elected Members of the Society. Mr M'Lean's
paper was as follows : —
THE IBERIANS.
It would appear that in the early neolithic age the Auvergnat
race was pressed back in Southern Belgium by a more power-
ful northern people, who, we may conjecture, were the
ancestors of the Belgic Gauls. But while the Auvergnat race were
in retreat on their northern frontier, they were themselves
encroaching on the territory of the feeble Iberian people of the
south. The artificial sepulchral grottoes of the Marne, excavated
in the soft chalk of this region, form the transition between the
natural caves used for sepulture on the Lesse, and the later dol-
mens of central France. In these grottoes we find evidence that
the brachycephalic people of Lesse lived in peaceable association
with the dolichocephalic Iberian race. They contain skulls with
cephalic indices from 71*65, which agrees with that of the
Iberians, up to 85*71, which is that of the Furfooz people. Three
hundred miles further south is the department ol the Lozere, no\v
48 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
inhabited by the brachycephalic Auvergnat race. The Cavevne
de 1'Homme Mort and other early sepulchral caves of this district,
contain only dolichocephalic skulls of the Iberian type. But in
the dolmens, which are of later date, M. Pruniere has found
numerous skulls of a pronounced brachycephalic type, mingled
with a few decidedly dolichocephalic, and others of a mixed type.
Hence, we conclude, that the cavemen were invaded by the dolmen
builders. That the invaders met with resistance is proved by the
fact that in some of the cave interments arrowheads of types,
believed to have been used only by the dolmen builders, are found
embedded in the bones. Hence, De Quatrefages concludes that
early in the neolithic age the dolichocephalic autochthones of this
region were attacked by an intrusive brachycephalic race in a
higher state of civilisation ; that the two races ultimately
amalgamated, and that, finally, tike dolichocephalic race was
either absorbed, or retired to the south-west, where, in the district
between the Lozere and the Aveyron, there are dolmens containing
only dolichocephalic skulls. It is believed that the Spanish
Basques represent the earlier race, the Auvergnats the invaders,
and the French Basques the mixed race. The chief importance of
these researches consists, as we shall hereafter see, in their bearing
on the moot question of the linguistic affinities of the Basque
speech. The Auvergnats are separated from the Savoyards, who-
belong to the same type, by the valley of the Rhone, which is
inhabited by a later intrusive race of much higher stature. We
are informed by Zosimus that there were Celts in Rhaetia. Here,
consequently, if Broca's theory as to the Celts is correct, we ought
to find traces of the Auvergnat type. In the pre-historic graves of
Eastern Switzerland, the ancient Rhaetia, we find brachycephalic
skulls, which constitute what is called the Disentis type by the
authors of the Crania Helvetica (His and Rutimeyer). The mean
cephalic index is 86*5, higher than that of any existing race. The
nearest approach to it is 86, which Broca gives as the mean index
of the modern Ligurians, and 85, which is that of the Lapps. A
skull of the Disentis type was found in the neolithic stratum of
the cone of the Tiniere, to which an antiquity of from 6000 to
7000 years has been assigned by M. Morlot. The Helvetic and
Rhaetian skulls, though brachycephalic, are very different. The
'first of these agree with those of the round barrow people of
Britain, the second with those .of the Ligurians, and ta
some extent with those of the Lapps. The mean index
of 95 skulls from British round barrows is 81, that
from the lake dwellings of seven skulls i* 80*3^ The index
The Iberians. 49
of the Disentis type varies from 81 '8 to 97*5, the mean being
86*5. The index of the modern Lapp is 84 or 85, and it seems
formerly to have been even higher, skulls from an ancient Lapp
cemetery giving an index of 90'28. The mean cranial capacity of
the round barrow people was 98 cubic inches, of the Helvettii 97,
of the Rhaetians 83. The Rhaetians are like the Lapps orthog:
nathous, while the round barrow people were prognathous. But
as stature, prognathism, and the colour of the hair and eyes are
more variable characteristics than the shape of the skull and of
the orbits of the eyes, it is possible that the two brachycephalic
types, the Celts of ethnology 2nd the Celts of philology, may be
remote branches of the same race which, with Dr Thurnam, we
may call " Turanian." The short dark Ligurian race appear in
Europe at a much earlier period than the tall, fair, Cel to-Slavic
people. The Hellenes, when they invaded Greece, were uudoubt*
edly more civilised than the non-Aryan aborigines, when they
invaded Greece ; and the Umbrians were more civilised than the
savage Ligurians and the cannibal Iberians whom they found in
Italy. The round barrow Aryans of Britain were superior in
culture to the feebler longbarrow race which they subjugated and
supplanted.
The Iberians, a short, dolichocephalic race, represented in the
barrows of Britain and the sepulchral caves of France and Spain. The
stature averaged 5 feet 4 inches, and the cephalic index 81 to 74.'
They were orthognathous and swarthy. They are now represented
by some of the Welsh and Irish, by the Corsicans, and by the
Spanish Basques. Their affinities are African. The Ligurians, a
short Alpine brachycephalic race, represented in some Belgian?
caves, and in the dolmens of Central France. They were black*
haired, mostly orthognathous, with an index of 84, and with £
stature of 5 feet 3 inches. They are now represented by the1
Auvergnats, the Savoyards, and the Swiss. Their affinities are
Lapp or Finnic.
Broca showed that the Spanish Basques, who are the true
representatives of the Basque race, are dolichocephalic, and are
not as Retzius had supposed, from an examination skulls of
some French Basques, brachycephalic. De Quatrefages and Hamy
then proved that the supposed Aryan invaders were in fact the
earliest inhabitants of Europe, and actually possessed a lower
culture than the " savage descendants of Tur.'' The order hi
which the skulls are superimposed at Grenelle proves that both
the dolichocephalic races preceded the two brachycephalic ruees*
The most ancient skulls are those of dolichocephalic savages 'c of
4
50 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the Canstadt and kitchen-midden type, who subsisted mainly on
shell -fish, and may be regarded as the ancestors of the Scandi-
navian, North German, and Anglo-Saxon race Next in
order of time we find the Iberian race of savagres, who
subsisted on the chase, and practised cannibalism and human
sacrifice, and whose descendants are found in Corsica, Spain,
and Northern Africa. These Iberians were pressed back by
the brachycephalic Ligurian race, who arrived in the reindeer
period, and are possibly of Lapp affinities. The brachycephalic
Ligurian race drove the dolichocephalic Iberians to the south and
west, and the brachycephalic "Celtic" race drove the dolicho-
cephalic Scandinavious to the north. The result is that Central
Europe is brachycephalic, while the north and the south are
dolichocephalic. The singular Basque or Euskarian language,
spoken on both slopes of the Pyrenees* forms a sort of linguistic
island in the great Ayrian ocean. It must represent the speech
of one of the neolithic races, either that of the dolichocephalic
Iberians, or that of the brachycephalic people whom we call
Auvergnats or Ligurians. Anthropology throws some light on
this question ; it is now known that the Basques are not all of one
type, as was supposed by Retzius and the early anthropologists,
who were only acquainted with the skulls of the French Basques.
Broca has now shewn that the Spanish Basques are largely
dolichocephalic. The mean index of the people of Zarous in
Guipuzcoa is 7 7 '62; of the French Basques a considerable pro-
portion (37 per cent.) are brachycephalic, with indices from 80 to
83. The mean index obtained from the measurement of 57 skulls
of French Basques from an old graveyard at St Jean de 1'Luz is
80-25. The skull shape of the French is therefore intermediate
between that of the Auvergnats on the north and that _pf the
Spanish Basques on the south. It is plain that the Basques can
no longer be considered as an unmixed race, and we conclude that
the blood of the dolichocephalic or Spanish Basques is mainly that
of the dolichocephalic Iberians or Spanish Basques, with some
admixture of Lingurian blood, while the brachycephalic or French
Basques are to a great extent the descendants of the brachycephalic
Auvergnats.
We have seen that the south of France was in the early
neolithic age occupied exclusively by the dolichocephalic race. It
has been shown that the sepulchral caves and dolmens ofjjthe
Lozere supply evidence that early in the neolithic period their
territory was invaded by the brachycephalic race, which drove
them towards the Pyrenees, where the two races intermingled.
The Iberians, 51
One race must clearly have acquired the language of the other.
The probability is that the invaders, who were the more powerful
and more civilised people, imposed their language on the conquered
race, in which case the Basque would represent the language of
the Ligurians rather than that of the Iberians. All the available
evidence is in favour of this solution. The highest authority, Van
Eys, considers it is impossible to explain the ancient Iberian by
means of Basque. Vinson comes to the same conclusion. He
holds that the legends on the Iberian coins are inexplicable from
the Basque language, and he considers that they point to the
existence in Spain of a race which spoke a wholly different
tongue. This tongue probably belonged to the Hamitic family.
We possess some 200 ancient Numidian inscriptions which exhibit
very old forms of the Berber tongue, now spoken by the Towarag
and Tamaskek tribes and the Kabyles. These inscriptions suffice
to prove that the Numidian belonged to the Hamitic family of
speech, and that it is distantly allied to the Nubian and old
Egyptian. With this Berber or Hamitic family of speech the
Basque has no recognisable affinity. Many philologists of repute
have come to the conclusion that Basque must ultimately be
classed with the Finnic group of languages. Professor Sayce, for
instance, considers that " Basque is probably to be added" to the
Ural-Altaic family. He says — " With this family I believe that
Basque must also be grouped. Prince Lucien Bonaparte,
Charency, and others have shown that this interesting language
closely agrees with Ugric in grammar, structure, numerals, and
pronouns. Indeed, the more [ examine the question the nearer
does the relationship appear to be, more especially when the
newly-revealed Accadian language of ancient Babylonia, by far
the oldest specimen of the Turanian family that we possess, is
brought into use for the purposes of comparison. In spite of the
wide interval in time, space, and social relations, we may still
detect several words which are common to Accadian and Basque."
These philological conclusions are in accord with the anthropo-
logical evidence, the skulls of the pure Iberian race, such as
are those which are found in the long barrows of Britain or the
Caverne de 1' Homme Mort are of the same type as those of the
Berbers, and the Guanches, and bear a considerable resemblance
to the skulls of the ancient Egyptians ; and the Spanish Basques
come next to them. The men of the Caverne de 1' Homme Mort
clearly belong to the same racial group. They are decidedly more
orthognathous than the Guanches. All these races agree in
cranial capacity. The mean for male skulls is for the Corsioans
52 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
1552 cubic centimetres; for the Gaunches, 1557; and for the
Spanish Basques, 1574. In the Caverne de 1' Homme Mort it
rises to 1606.
To discuss in detail the skulls in the neighbouring sepulchral
caves of this region would be rather tedious. The most dis-
tinguished of the French anthropologists — Broca, Mortillet, and
De Quatrefages — think that the people of the Caverne de F Homme
Mort were the survivors of an earlier ra.ce which dwelt in the same
district during the reindeer period. The remains of this people
have been found in caves at La Madeleine, Laugerie Haute,
Aurignac, Laugerie Basse, and Cro-Magnon. This earlier people
were tall, strongly built, and prognathous*. Notwithstanding
these variations, the usual osteological characters are identical,
the cephalic index is the same, the mean index at Cro-Magnon is
73-34, and in the Caverne de 1' H(fftm.u Mort, 73-22. Bioca,
besides, maintains "that of all the skulls with which he is-
acquainted, the nearest approach to the unique and exceptional
skull of the old man interred in the Cro-Magnon cavern is to be
found ir> two Gaunche skulls in the Museum at Paris." The
forms of the bones of the leg and the arm display certain
characteristic peculiarities in the Cro-Magnon skeletons, which are
to be observed, in an attenuated form, in several of the skeletons
in the Caverne de I1 Homme Mort, as in some of the Welsh caves,
particularly in the Cefn Cave, near St Asaph, and the Perthi-
Chwareu Cave in Denbighshire, where interments occur which
may be ascribed to remote ancestors of the people of the long
barrows.
It would appear that the Iberian race had extended over the
entire Spanish Peninsula as well as the coasts and islands of the
Mediterranean. Two skeletons were discovered in the Genista
Cave at Gibraltar orthognathous and with dolichocephalic skulls,
and, according to Busk, they bear resemblance to those found in
the Perthi-Chwareu Cave in Denbighshire, and those of the Spanish
Basques. One of the Genista skulls had a cephalic index of 74'8,
an altitudinal index of 71*4, and one of the Denbighshire skulls
had a cephalic index of 75, and an altitudinal index of 71. Such
an agreement could scarcely be more exact. An interesting
survival of the customs of those French and Spanish troglodytes is
found in the Canaries. The Gaunches of Teneriffe may be con-
sidered as a remote branch of the Berber race, who have preserved
in great purity the primitive type and mode of life. The Canaries
were uninhabited in the time of Pliny, The natives were still in
the stone age, and used caves both for habitation and sepulture
The Iberians. 53
when occupied by the Spaniards at the beginning of the fifteenth
century. Mummied bodies from the Teneriffe caves are in most
of the museums of Europe. The mean cephalic index of these
mummies is 75*5 ; in the Genista Cave at Gibraltar it is 75*5 ; it
is 76 '5 in the Denbighshire caves, and 73*22 in the Caverne de 1'
Homme Mort. 74-63 is the mean index of the Berbers ; 75*35
that of the Corsicans, 76 that of the Spanish Basques, and 75*58
-that of the ancient Egyptians.
Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Southern Italy were inhabited
by the same race. Dolichocephalous skulls of the long barrow
type have been found in pre-historic caves of Italy and Sicily.
We are informed by Seneca that Corsica was peopled by Ligurians
and Iberians. Pausanius tells us that the Sardinians were
Libyans. We are informed by Thucydides that the oldest
inhabitants of Sicily were Iberians. A passage of Ephorus, pre-
served by Strabo, tells us the same. Modern craniological
measurements confirm these statements. It is ascertained that
the dolichocephalous type prevails in Southern Italy, while
Northern Italy is exceedingly brachycephaloas. Dark com-
plexion, dark hair, and dark eyes likely characterised the Iberian
race. Their supposed descendants, the Welshmen of Den-
bighshire, the Irish of Donegal and Kerry ; the Corsicans, the
Spanish Basques, and the Berbers are swarthy. Dr Beddoe tells
us that the " index of nigrescence increases from the east of
Ireland to the west." The Kabyles, on the other hand, are of
lighter tint, and blue eyes are not rare among them, and some of
the Guanche mummies would seem to have been fair-haired.
The Tuarik of the Sahara are fair-haired and blue eyed. But, as
an anthropological characteristic, the colour of the hair and eyes
is of less value than the shape of the skull and of the orbits of the
eyes.
The Cro-Magnon people were entirely hunters and fishers ;
they were without any domestic animals or cereals. They had
acquaintance with fire ; and were clothed in skins, which they
stitched together with bone needles. Collars and bracelets of
shells, strung together, were worn by them. They painted or
tattooed themselves with metallic oxides. They were not with-
out religious notions, for they believed in a future life ; the care
bestowed by them on the interments, and the objects which they
deposited with the deceased, prove that they thought the spirits
of the dead had wants beyond the tomb, and that they were able
to make use of ornaments and weapons. From parts of Europe
distantly situated, where the remains of the Iberian race are
54 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
found, there is evidence that they were, at times, addicted to
cannibalism. Human bones, which have been broken in order to
extract the marrow, supply such evidence. From a cave in the
Island of Palmaria, in the Gulf of Spezzia, from Keiss, in Caithness,
and from the Cesareda Caves, in the valley of the Tagus, the
best authenticated cases come. The eminent French anthropolo-
gists, Broca and De Quatrefages, contend that the Cro-
Magnon people exhibit a remote ancestral type of the Iberian race*
Were this the case, the question of the ultimate origin of the
Iberians would be greatly simplified. Broca supposes that their
likeness to the Berbers shows that they have emigrated into
Europe from Africa, at the same time, that the resemblance of the
Guanche and Berber skulls to those of the ancient Egyptians allies
them to the great Hamitic stock, and the Cro-Magnon skeletons
constitute a link between the Berbers and the Negroes.
The Ligurians, a short brachycephalic Alpine people, repre-
sented in some Belgian caves and in the dolmens of Central
France. They were black haired, mostly orthognathous, with a
cephalic index of 84, and a stature of five feet three inches. They
are now represented by the Auvergnats, the Savoyards, and
the Swiss. Their affinities are Lapp or Finnic.
In the neolithic agp, the Iberian race of savages subsisted on
the chase, practised cannibalism and human sacrifice. Their
descendants are found in Corsica, Spain, and Northern Africa.
These Iberians were pressed back by the brachycephalous
Ligurian race, who arrived in the period of the reindeer
and are possibly of Lapp affinities. The brachycephalous
Ligurian race drove the dolichocephalous Iberians to the south
and west, and the brachycephalous " Celtic" race drove the
dolichocephalous Scandinavians to the north. The consequence is
that Central Europe is brachycephalous, while the north and the
south are dolichocephalous. A sort of linguistic island is formed
in the great Aryan ocean by the singular Basque or Euskarian
language on both slopes of the Pyrenees. Necessarily, it repre-
sents the speech of one of the neolithic races, either that of the
dolichocephalous Iberians or that of the brachycephalous people,
whom we designate Auvergnats or Ligurians.
There is some light thrown on this question by anthropology.
It is well known now that the Basques are not all of one type, a&
was supposed by the early anthropologists, whose acquaintance
was confined to the skulls of French Basques. Broca has shown
that the Spanish Basques are very dolichocephalous. The mean
index of the people of Zarous, in Guipuzcoa, is 77 '62. A consider-
The Iberians. 55
able proportion of the French Basques (37 per cent.) are brachy-
cephalous, with cephalic indices from 80 to 83. From the
measurements of fifty-seven skulls of French Basques, from an old
graveyard at St Jean de 1'Leuz, the mean cephalic index is 80.25.
Therefore the skull shape of the French Basques is intermediate
between that of the Auvergnats on the north, an 1 that of the
Spanish Basques on the south.
It is sufficently clear, then, that the Basques can no longer be
looked upon as an unmixed race, and it may be inferred that the
blood of the dolichocephalous or Spanish Basques is chiefly that
of the dolichocephalous Iberians, with some admixture of Ligurian
blood; at the same time, that French Basques are 1o a large
extent the descendants of the brachycephalous Auvergnats.
It has been observed that the South of France was occupied
exclusively in the early neolithic age by the Iberian or dolicho-
cephalous race. The sepulchral caves and dolmens of the Lozere
have supplied evidence that early in the neolithic period their
territory was invaded by the brachycephalous race, which drove
them towards the Pyrenees, where the two races intermixed. It
is clear that one race must have acquired the language of the
other. It is probable that the invaders, who were the more
powerful and more civilised people, imposed their language on the
conquered race. In this case, the Basque would represent the
language of the Ligurians rather than that of the Iberians. This
solution has all the available evidence in its favour. The highest
authority on this subject, Van Eys, thinks it impossible to explain
the ancient Iberian by means of Basque. Vinson comes to the
same conclusion. He infers that the legends on the Iberian coins
are inexplicable from the Basque language ; and he is of opinion
that they point to the existence in Spain of a people who spoke an
entirely different tongue. It is likely that this language belonged
to the Hamitic family. Many eminent philologists have concluded
that Basque must be classed with the Finnic group of languages.
Professor Sayce thinks that " Basque is probably to be added" to
the Ural-Altaic family. Professor Sayce again remarks — " In
spite of the wide interval of time, space, and social relations, we
may still detect several words which are common to Accadian and
Basque."
The Lapps are the shortest race in Europe ; their average
stature is 5 feet 2 inches. The Auvergnats are not only the
shortest race in France, but the shortest race who now speak any
Aryan language. French conscripts who measure less than 5 feet
1^ inches are exempted from serving. In the Department of the
56 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Puy de Dome and the two adjacent Departments, the Haute
Vienne and the Correre, which are the home of the Auvergnat
race, the exemptions are from 15 to 19 per cent. In the Auver-
gnat Departments, the number of conscripts above 5 feet 8 inches
is only 3 per cent.
It has been essayed to connect the Ligurians with the Fiuns
rather than with the Lapps. The difficulty arises from the fact
that the Finns are not of homogeneous race. The cephalic indices,
the stature, the colour of the hair and eyes differ. Some of them
are like the Slavs, others approach the Swedes, and some of them
partake of the characteristics of the Lapps, whose tongue is an
archaic form of Finnic speech. The Lapps are, nevertheless,
orthognathous, and the Finns principally slightly prognathous.
Broca gives 80 39 as the mean cephalic index of the Esthoman
Finns, and 83'69 as that of the Finnsfrf Finland. The Finns of
Finland have a mean stature of 5 feet 3 inches.
There is not so much difficulty in ascertaining the neolithic
ancestors of the Lugurians. The dolmens and caves of Western
Europe are to be searched for a combining short stature with a
high cephalic index.
At Grenelle, near Paris, have been discovered the earliest
remains of any people which correspond to this description. In
the alluvium and the underlying gravels here, deposited in a bend
of the ancient bed of the Seine, skulls of three successive races
have been found. The lowest, and therefore the oldest, beds of
gravel contain dolichocephalous and platycephous skulls of the
Canstadt or Scandinavian type, bearing a likeness to the Staen-
genaes skull. At a depth of from 3 to 12 feet from the surface,
in the alluvium which overlies the gravel, are dolichocephalous
skulls of the Cro-Magnon or Iberian type. At a depth of from
4 to 7 feet above these are the remains of a short brachycephalons
race, entirely different from the other two; these are of menu
stature of 5 feet 3J inches, and have a mean cephalic index of
83 '6, measurements which agree very nearly with those of the
Auvergnats.
Further to the north certain limestone caves near Furfooz, in
the valley of the Lesse, a little stream which joins the Meux near
Dinant in Belgium, have yielded remains of one or possibly of two
short brachycephalous races. A cave named the Trou-Rosette
was inhabited by a race with the high cephalic index of 86'1. lu
a cave in the vicinity, designated the Trou de Frontal, skulls were
found with indices varying between 70'8 to 81'4. The mean
index is 80'35. The mean index of five Esthonian skulls at Paris
7 he Iberians. 57
•was 80-35. Both the Furfooz races had short stature. 5 feet
4 inches was the height of the tallest skeleton, and 4 feet 1 !
inches of the shortest. 5 feet 2 inches was the mean stature of
one race, that of the other was slightly over 5 feet. There is a
likeness between the Trou-Rosette skulls and those of the Lapps ;
•the Trou de Frontal type is more prognathous and nearer to the
Finns, and may still be recognised among the inhabitants of the
valley of the Lesse, and among the peasants who frequent the
markets of Antwerp.
The Furfooz races have left many traces of their industries
in the caves which they inhabited, nnd wherein they also buried
their dead. They appear to have been a peaceful people, and
possessed no bows or arrows or weapons for combat, but only
j:velins tipped with flint or reindeer horn, wherewith they killed
wild horses, reindeer, wild oxen, boars, goats, chamois, and ibex,
as well as squirrels, lemmings, and birds, particularly the
ptarmigan. Some of these animals prove that the climate was
sub-arctic. They were clad in skins sewn together with bone
needles. They tattooed or painted themselves with red oxide of
iron, and as ornaments wore shells, plaques of ivory and jet. and
bits of fluor spar. But that which is most remarkable, is that the
weapons were brought from distant regions far to the south and
south-west, which are now inhabited by a short brachycephalous
race like themselves, while they appear to have been unable to
avail themselves of the natural resources of the neighbouring dis-
tricts to the north and to the north-east, where the ethnic type is
different. The flints for their implements were not got from the
chalk formation of Hainault, a few miles to the north, but from
Touraine, more than 250 miles distant in a direct line. The jet
was brought from Lorraine, and the shells from Grignon. Clearly,
these people of the valley of the Lesse, about fifteen miles from
Namur, could range upwards of 300 miles to the south-west, but
not more than twenty-five miles to the north, or they would have
obtained their shells from Liege in place of from the Loire, and
their flints from Hainault instead of from Champagne. An ancient
•ethnic frontier is recognised, therefore, here. The peopl e of the
Lesse could not pass the line of the Sambre and the Meuse, as a
hostile and more powerful race held the hills of Hainault.
It is also shewn by the fact that, not far from Moms, forty miles
north-west of the Lesse, flint instruments have been discovered
deposited, differing in type, as in material, from those found in
the valley of the Lesse. There is an agreement of the latter with
those of the Dordogne, in Central France, while the implements
58 Gaelic Society of /nuerness.
from Mons resemble those found in the valley of the Somme and
other parts of Belgic Gaul. These distinctions disappear at
a later time ; the weapons are wrought from Hainault
flint, and the types are the same as in the district of
Hainault. This Iberian or Silurian race, the Basques in
France and Spain, would appear to have come originally from
Africa in^o Europe, and to have primarily peopled Spain, France,,
and the British Isles till they were conquered by other races, and
in the British Isles by the Celts, who conquered and enslaved
them, but intermixed with them in Wales, Ireland, and Scotland.
Iii anthropology the extent of the intermixture has not been so
thoroughly investigated yet, but we may infer that swarthy dark-
haired and black-eyed Irishmen and Highlanders of diminutive
stature have in their composition a large element of the Iberian or
Silurian race. Many of these are very nright-minded. In Joannes
Scotus Erigena we have an instance of such a man. It is said
that John was a great favourite of Charles the Bald, King of
France. Being a little man, he was sitting at dinner between two
big portly bishops. The king asked him to divide the fish between
the bishops and himself, there being two big fishes and a small
one. He cut the small fish into two halves, and gave one half to
each bishop. He then put the two big fishes on his own plate.
" Have you divided fairly ?" said the king. " Yes," he said ; " here
are two big ones and a little one," pointing to the bishops, and
then pointing to his own plate, he remarked, " here are two big
ones and a little one." At p. 218 of Professor Stokes' "Ireland
and the Celtic Church," he observes — " Every student of history
knows that Joannes Scotus Erigena was summoned to France by
Charles the Bald, where he alone was found capable of translating
the Greek works of the Pseudo-Dionysius. John the Irishman was
a truly erratic genius. He was brilliant, learned, heretical. He
embodied in himself most of the virtues and vices of the Irish
character, and to this alumnus of the monastery of Bangor can be
directly traced the genesis of that antheistic philosophy which
many moderns ascribe wholly to Spinoza. Through Joannes
Scotus the Irish schools exercise, indeed, a direct influence over
the philosophic thought of modern Europe." In a note at the
bottom of the same page, Dr Stokes informs us — "He wrote
several brilliant works, one touching the question of predestination,
where he opposed what we should call in modern language high
Calvinism, and verges towards Pelagianism, which always seems
to have had an attraction for the Celtic genius ; another on the
Eucharist, where he taught views opposed to transubstantiation."
fhe Iberians. 5$
Here is a description of a man whom I consider to have been
of the Gaelic-Iberian race. I have given a long description of the
physical characteristics of a race extending from Northern Africa
through Spain, France, and the British Isles to Caithness in the
North of Scotland, and here end with a biographical sketch of one
whom I consider to have been of the Celto-Iberian race.
17th FEBRUARY, 1892.
The paper for this evening was contributed by the Rev. John
MacRury, Snizort. Mr MacRury's paper was as follows : —
STRAY NOTES ON GAELIC.
A WORD OF WARNING.
In writing this paper I have no desire whatever to lead any one
astray. But it is quite possible, even probable, that many of those
into whose hands these notes may come will think that I am very
far astray myself. It is well known that a man may be very far
astray without knowing it himself. I may be astray in many of
the views which I take of the various points on which I touch in
these notes, but I am not in the least conscious of being so. Some
of these notes may be wise, and some may be otherwise, like many
of the other subjects whicn are taken up to interest and amuse
our countrymen at this time of the year.
Nor do I in the least desire to stir up the spirit of controversy
and strife in any of our "irascible Celts" by what I write. Too
much time and energy have been uselessly spent already by many
a well-meaning and true-hearted Highlander in discussing many
minor points, while the great and important duty of fostering the
Gaelic has been sadly neglected. The ridiculous work of straining
out gnats and swallowing camels has been going on among well-
meaning and earnest students of Gaelic grammar for many a day.
Let no one conclude from this remark that I look upon earnest
and thorough grammatical study of the Gaelic as a matter of
minor importance. Far from it. Such a profitable and interesting
study should be prosecuted with greater diligence and persever-
ance than is usually the case. These notes are the result of a
little study which I made on stray passages during spare half-
hours. Crude as the notes may be, they may help to stir up
30 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
others — not to take part in any useless controversy, I hope, but —
to look further into the depth of knowledge which is treasured up
in our ancient, but hitherto much neglected, language. Such of
the notes as may be wise, if they happen to contain anything new,
will give some direct help to as many as are anxious to learn ; and
such of the notes as may be otherwise will also help every wise and
thoughtful student — indirectly, of course — by pointing out to him
the numerous rock« and shallows on which he may easily wreck
his reputation as a sound, sensible, and learned Celtic scholar.
Now, to the " Notes."
I. — ON EMPHASIS, AND THE USE OF HYPHEN.
In many ancient languages the emphatic words are known by
the position which they take up in the sentence. In Gaelic the
case is different. Emphasis is generally, though not always, pro-
duced either by lengthening the words, or by pronouncing them
so articulately as to show them at their full length. This enables
one easily to know which are the emphatic words and which are
not, and is consequently a great advantage to those who are learn-
ing the Gaelic. The Personal, Possessive, Compound, and Pre-
positional Pronouns, and also some parts of the Verb, are
invariably lengthened by the addition of an emphatic particle,
which generally used to be joined to its word by a hyphen.
^_ In the emphatic Personal Pronouns, the hyphen has not been
much used for the last 80 years or more. It is to be met with,
so far as I know, only in " e sail," and the reason why it is used in
this instance is to be found in the undue regard paid to the Irish
rule, " Caol ri caol agus leathann ri leathann." Now, this rule,
though in many respects excellent as a guide to the spelling of
words in which the consonants are modified in sound by broad or
small vowels, should not be universally applied. In most of the
editions of the Gaelic Scriptures published since the beginning of
this century, "esan" only is to be found. It has therefore become
the established usage never to use the hyphen in connecting the
emphatic particles to the Personal Pronouns.
The very opposite must be the case in connecting the emphatic
particle to the Possessive Pronouns, because the emphatic particle
can't come in immediately after the Pronoun. It can only corne
in at the end of the last word, e.g., " Mho mhac-sa," " mo ch6ta
m6r, ur-sa," " mo chii m6r, luath, laidir, breagha, breacgeal-sa."
Evidently it is not possible, consistent with clearness, to omit the
ien in the above or in similar instances.
Stray Notes on Gaelic. 61
In the Compound Pronouns there is no occasion to use the
hyphen, as these Pronouns are made up of the Personal and the
Demonstrative Pronouns. I would, however, use the hyphen in
the following phrase, " dh' fholaich i i-fhein re ch6ig miosan." It
might also be used in the phrases " mharbh e e-fhein," " ghearr
e e-fhein," " nigh iad iad-fhein," &c., in preference to " si i fein,"
" se e fein," &c.
In the case of the Prepositional Pronouns, and by Prepositional
Pronouns I mean those words that are made up of the Proper
Prepositions and the Personal Pronouns, I would not use the
hyphen at all in connecting the emphatic particle. The too
frequent use of the hyphen is rather puzzling to learners, and
troublesome to writers and printers, and therefore it should never
be used except when clearness requires its presence. But when
the emphatic particles, sa, se, san, ne, are joined to the Pre-
positional Pronouns without a hyphen, it is necessary to omit some
letters, either from the pronouns, or from the particles, e.g., it
would not do to write, "leissan," "rissan," as it is not admissible
in Gaelic to double any letter except the letters " 1," " n," " r."
This was the great difficulty which met the learned translators of
the Scriptures when they wrote "leis-san"' and "rissan." They
felt bound to. use the hyphen in these cases in order to avoid such
a great change in the language as doubling the letter " s." But
though ifc is the rule to double the " n" in Gaelic when occasion
requires it, it is not admissible to treble the letter " n," or any
other letter. How did they get over this difficulty? Not by
using the hyphen in connecting the emphatic particle " ne" to the
Prepositional Pronoun, but by leaving out one of the three " n's."
as " agairme," " annainne," " oirnne," " uainne," &c. These are
much simpler and better forms of the words than what could be
given by using the hyphen, as " againn-ne," "annainn-ne," &c.
Why not then leave out one of two " sV in '* leis-san," " ris-san,"
and simply write " leisan, " "risan?" In " roimhesan, "
" dhaibhsan," "aigesan," " airsan," " uigesan," <fec., the Irish
rule is transgressed, and the words look somewrhat strange at first
sight ; but it must be admitted that the omission of the hyphen
is a great advantage to the learner, and to the writer and printer.
In some instances the verb is made emphatic by being
lengthened, e.g., the 1st and 2nd sing, and 1st and 2nd plur. of
the Imperative, as " Buaileamsa," " Buailsa," " Buaileamaidne,"
" Builibhse," " Rachaibhse," " Abraibhse," <fec. The hyphen need
not be used in these instances.
Emphasis is also added by repeating the same word, as
" Fosgail an dorus sin a sin " (open that door there). " Thoir
62 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
dhomh am maide sin a sin " (give me that stick there). " Dh'
inns an duine sin a sin dhomh e " (that man there told it to me).
" Am fear leis am bu leis thu " (the man to whom you belonged).
" Am fear leis an leis an taigh so " (the man to whom this house
belongs).
The preposition "an " (in) is often lengthened into " ann an,"
for the sake of emphasis. It is astonishing to me to find that not
one of our grammarians, while trying to account for this form of
the preposition, seemed to see that " ann an " is the emphatic
form, and that " an,'" or, " am" before a labial, is the ordinary
form. Dr Stewart, in his grammar, which is the best Gaelic gram-
mar we have, speaks of " ann an " as a lengthening, or a
reduplication of " an," and seems never to have noticed that
u ann an " is the emphatic form, and can only, with propriety, be
used as such. Even the late Dr Cameron of Brodick, who had no
equal as a Gaelic Grammarian, seems to have overlooked this
important point. In his admirable article in the Scottish Critic
Review on " Common Mistakes" (p.p. 273-296)), he makes it quite
clear that "an," in, "ami an comhairle nan aingidh " (in the
counsel of the wicked) is not the article, as many Gaelic scholars
maintained, but the regular modern form of the ancient pre-
position " in" He even goes the length of saying that " an" is the
more accurate form, as it may always be substituted for " ann an,"
whereas " ann an " can only be occasionally substituted for " an."
He is quite correct in all that he says ; for he was not writing on
the proper way of emphasising the language, but on the proper
way of writing it. Still, it seems strange, that he should be
inclined to favour the idea of doing away with " ann an " and using
only " an," for this is what can be easily inferred from his conclud-
ing remarks on the preposition " an." In recent editions of the
Gaelic Scriptures, the first word in Genesis, and the first word in
the Gospel of St John, is " An," instead of " Anns an," as in for-
mer editions. This has not been considered an improvement by
any one, except, perhaps, the translators of said editions, and a
few of their friends. People who knew nothing of the laws of
Orthography and Etymology condemned the change. They
naturally missed the emphatic form of the preposition ;
because the want of due emphasis makes the sense of a
word or a passage rather vague. " Ann an " is very often
to be found in Scripture, but not so often as it might be, if
due regard had been paid to the matter. Whenever the Greek
preposition "en" is translated into English by "in," it should
be translated into Gaelic by " ann an," in every case in which the
Stray Notes on Gaelic. 63
phrase in which it occurs is emphatic ; e.g., " ann an neamh," in
heaven ; " ann an ifrim," in hell ; " ann an Eirinn," in Ireland ;
" ann an Alba," in Scotland ; " ann an dorchadas," in darkness ;
<fcc., &c. Let " ann an " be changed into " an " in the above, and
in the hundreds of similar instances which I might easily mention,
and the result would be that, in the majority of them, " an "
might be taken by many learners of the Gaelic to be the
article. This would lead both to confusion as regards two very
different parts of speech, and also to weakness and vagueness of
expression — two things that should be very carefully avoided both
by writers and speakers.
" Agus" and "is" are two forms of the couplative conjunction,
and should never be used indiscriminately either in speaking or in
writing. Of late years it has become rather common to leave out
" is," and to use " 'us" instead. This is one of the common
mistakes into which well-meaning writers have fallen through
thinking that " 'us" is the right word to use. They were under
the impression that there is only one couplative conjunction, and
that in some instances "'us" — a contraction of "agus" — should be
used in preference to the uncontracted form. Now, there can be
no doubt as to the existence of the two words "agus" and "is."
" Agus" is the emphatic word, and " is" is used only wheD a pair
of words must be brought into a close connection to one another.
Let me try to make this point plainer. " Agus" may often begin
a sentence, but "is" can never be the first word of a sentence. We
may say "mise is tusa," but it would not be correct to say "mise agus
tusa," because though not violating any grammatical rule that I
know of, we would be violating the rules of good style by putting
three emphatic words side by side. A comma should not be put
before " is," but as a general rule it may be put before " agus,"
e.g., Fhreagair e, agus thuirt e mar so, " Ma bheir thu dhomhsa
iad gu leir, bheir mi learn iad eadar mhath is olc." Very many
instances could be brought forward in addition to the above to
prove that "agus" and "is" should be used, "agus" to do the
double duty of connecting and emphasising, and " is" to connect
words only.
"Biodh," "bhios," are not contractions of "bitheadh," and
41 bhitheas," as many are apt to think. They are original forms
of the verb " Bi." When the emphasis falls on the verb, the long
forms " Bitheadh" and " Bhitheas" are used, e.g., " Am biodh e
trie a' leughadh 1 Bhitheadh. In the above question the emphasis
is on "leughadh," and as the answer is emphatic the long form of the
word can only be used. In the following sentences the long and the
64 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
short forms of the words are given to show how and when they
are used by the best speakers : — Ma bhitheas gus nach bi thus' ann,
bidh mise ann, ma bhios mi bed air air chionn an latka. BITHEADH
no na BITHEADH an latha math, biodh iad a' falbh cho luath Js a
bhios iad deiseit. Am fear a bhios air dheireadh beiridh a bhiast
air. Am bi thu fhein ann? Is mi a BHITHEAS. An DUBHAIRT
e gu feumadh e falbh am maireach ? THUBHAIRT. Co a thuirt riut
gu'n DUBHAIRT e briathran cho mi-iomchuidh sin ? THUBHAIRT
Domhull. It is not necessary to multiply instances of this kind.
II. ON PLACE-NAMES.
To explain the names of places is one of the most difficult
subjects one can take up. A great deal of nonsense has been
written and printed in connection witjj this subject. It seems to
be a subject of unusual attraction and of more than ordinary
interest to many, because it is generally supposed to be an easy
one. I have no intention to go deep into the subject, because I find
I cannot do so without much more knowledge than I yet possess. I
cannot forget that, " Philology based upon sound is not sound
philology." If I mistake not, however, I have got hold of one
point which helps one to arrive at a safe conclusion as to the
meaning of place-names. The point is this, that however much
the letters of a word may be changed in obedience to the laws of
language, the accent generally remains unchanged. Let me
illustrate this point. There is a place in Morayshire, near the
Spey, called Knockando. Though the accent is on the second
syllable, all those that tried to explain its meaning to me, with
one solitary exception, said it means " Cnocan-dubh," " the black
hillock." This is " philology based upon sound" with a vengeance,
and consequently " is not sound philology." If it meant " Cnocan-
dubh," the principal accent would necessarily be on the third and
last syllable. As a rule, the people of the place, or of the neigh-
bourhood, help one to arrive at the proper meaning of a place-
name, either by the way in which they pronounce it, or by being able
to tell what the old name of the place was. In the case before us
we are helped both by the pronounciation and by what the people
of the neighbourhood tell us as regards the old name of the place.
It was never called " Cnocan-dubh ;" but was from time imme-
morial called, " Cnoc-ceannachd," which means, " market-hill." In
olden times the market for the district used to be held on this
hillock, hence the name.
Now, let us look a little at the old name, and at the new
name, in order to trace out the transition. " K" is the only letter
Stray Notes on Gaelic. 65
which takes the place of "c" in Gaelic when an English dress is
to be put on a Gaelic word. The two words are naturally joined •
and as neither two " c's" nor two " k's" are admissible side by
side in either language, one of them must be dropped, and the
word, after undergoing such other changes as the laws of language
invariably produce, assumes its present form. The changes
referred to are the following : — The last " n" in " ceannachd," the
second part of the word, becomes " d," " ea " before " nn " becomes
" a," and retains the accent, and " a" in " achd," which
is a suffix showing "ceannachd" to be a noun derived from
•" ceannaich," becomes "o," and is naturally placed after " d." It
may be asked how is the disappearance of " ch" to be accounted
for ? One explanation of it is, that there is no sound in English
•equivalent to " ch" in Gaelic, and in consequence u ch" had to be
left out.
After all the change " Cnoc-ceannachd" has undergone before
it became Knockando, the dipthong " ea," which in " ceannachd"
is long by position, as it is followed by a double consonant, remains
long, and consequently the emphasis is on the second syllable of
Knockando. This is only one of the many instances which might
be brought forward to prove the point under discussion.
There is also a tendency on the part of many, when explaining
the names of places, to think that the number of syllables in a
modern, or English, name of a place is a safe guide to lead them
to the old name. This is far from being the case. It often
happens, of course, that the number of syllables in one word cor-
responds with the number in another, as, for example, " Knock-
ando" and ** Cnoc-ceannachd ;" but it is not safe to build an
etymological law upon any such foundation. Let us, in illustration
of this point, look at the word " Ardroil" — the name of a small
farm in the parish of Uig, in Lewis. This word has only two
syllables. But what is the meaning of it ? The farm is never
called " Ardroil" by the natives when they speak Gaelic, which
they, as a rule, do. They call it " Eadar dha fhaoghail," or, in
rapid conversation, " Eadstr-a-fhaoghail." Now, while the name of
the farm in English has only two syllables, the name in Gaelic has
five. Still, the point to which I was drawing attention in the case
•of Knockando holds true here, namely, that the accented or
emphatic syllable in the Gaelic name, " Eadar-a-fhaoghail," is
retained in the English name, "Ardroil." In the Gaelic
name, " ao " corresponds with " oi " in the English name.
One can imagine how easily some people conld see the
.adjective " ard," "high," or the noun " aird," "height,"
5
66 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
in the " Ardroil." Let us try to follow the probable steps by
which the change took place. " Eadar-da-fhaoghail" means.
" between two fords" — a very good description of the farm, which
is between two large rivers, over which there was no bridge in
olden times. By leaving out the silent letters " fh" and " gh,"
we have " Eadar-da-ao-ail." As " aa" and " oa" are not admissible
combinations of letters in the Gaelic, two of the three " a's" must
be struck out. This leaves the word " Eadar-daoil." By law
"d" and "r" often change places, and these changes are often
followed by the transposition of vowels and other consonants, so
that we have " Ardroil," as the English equivalent of " Eadar da-
fhaoghail."
But the rarest piece of etymological nonsense that ever I came
across is to be found in a schoolbook published by a firm of well-
known publishers in Glasgow. The ifkme of the book is " Com-
bined Reader for Standard III." It treats of history and geography,,
and its special feature is the prominent place given in its pages to
fanciful explanations of the names of places. The name
" Benbeeula" is said, in this precious little book, to mean " The
island of little women ! ! !" One can imagine the writer, who, if
one can believe anything of what is written in the book, got the
greater part of his information when cruising about the Highlands
and Islands in a yacht, asking gravely of some one " What is the
meaning of ' Ben ? " " 0, * ben' is the Gaelic name for ' a woman.' "
" And what is the meaning of ' bee V " " Beg" is the word we
have for " little," the party would probably have replied. Then
our learned friend, whose philology seems to have been based
wholly upon sound, and not upon sense, would have concluded
that he knew enough to enable him at once to say that
" Benbeeula" means " The island of little women." He evidently
felt no scruples about throwing away half the word, namely,,
" ula." Fanciful theories seem to enable many to surmount
difficulties which to many others are quite insurmountable. On
the authority of the same writer, " Benledi" means " Beinn le
Dia, "A mountain of or belonging to God." Strange that " Ben"
in the one word should mean " a woman," and in the other " a
hill," or " a mountain." The explanation of " Benledi" is pure
nonsense.
" Benbeeula" is the English form of " Beinn na faoghlach,"
the name always given to the island by the people of the Long
Island. There are only two hills in Benbeeula, and to distinguish
between them, one was called " Beinn-na-faoghlach" and the other
" Beinn-fhuidheidh." " Beinn-na-faoghlach' is near the ford
Stray Notes on Gaelic. 67
(faoghail) between Beribecula and North Uist, hence the name.
The name, when rapidly pronounced, is " Beinn-a-bhaoghla" or
" Beinn-a-faoghla." " Ch" in both cases is left out, as is now too
often the case. The genius of the Gaelic language requires that
every vowel should be closed by a consonant. This is easily under-
stood when one remembers that, as a general rule, every syllable
should begin with a vowel or diphthong. The exceptions to this
rule are mainly to be found at the beginning of such words as
begin with a consonant, and in such words as " oglach," which is
a compound word. In fact this last word, being in reality two
words, is not an exception at all. But to return from this
digression, I must mako some further remarks on "Benbecula,"
especially as regards the point to which I made reference in my
remarks on the place names already considered, namely, the
position of the main accent of both the Gaelic and the English
name. Three "n's" cannot be used side by side. The disappearance
of "ch" from the end of a word has been already referred to,
and the only other changes which took place are, that, according
to rule, "f" becomes " b," and "g" became " c." By these
changes " Beinn 'a faoghla" becomes "Ben(n)abaocla." " Bena-
baocla" could not be easily pronounced in English, because " ao,"
as a dipthong, is not used in English at all. In. order to suit
the English ear the word had to be written in its present form.
But " ao" is a dipthong which is invariably long, and in conse-
quence of this, the main accent of the word remains in its original
position, even though the diphthong " ao" had to give place to a
single vowel. The people of Benbecula were called, " Baoghlaich,"
which is the same as " Faoghlaich," and were without doubt called
so, because they had to cross the north and south fords when they
had occasion to leave their native island on any business.
As regards " Benledi," to which I made some reference already,
the position of the accent seems to me to be a strong proof that
its meaning is not, " Beinn le Dia." The vowel " e," in the pre-
position " le," is never long, and consequently can't be accented.
As the accent is 011 "e," the middle syllable of "Benledi," it can't
mean " Beinn le Dia," whatever it may mean.
T.II. — ON WORDS WHICH SEEM TO THROW SOME LIGHT ON CERTA-IN
POINTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE PAST HISTORY OF THE
HIGHLANDERS.
Of late years we have been told, on the highest authority, that
there is no Gaelic word corresponding to the English word " rent,"
and this has been made use of by many who were, and possibly
68 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
still are, against paying " rent." They maintained that the paying
of " rent " is one of those evils which sprung into existence at a
comparatively recent date, and that, consequently, it should be
abolished at the earliest possible opportunity. They tell us that
" mal," the word commonly used for "rent," is a loan-word from
the English, and that it is the same as " blackmail." Well, this
may be quite true. But " blackmail " is a word that suggests to
any one, I should think, that there was some other " mail "
besides " blackmail.'5 When the word " black " is used to qualify
anything, the natural inference is that there must have been white
things as well as black things. Black suggests white, the same as
cold suggests heat, and evil suggests good, &c., &c. I hope no
one will think for a moment that I am writing either against those
who have to pay rent or in favour of those who receive rent. I
am only stating my opinion, and as loftg as other people claim the
liberty of stating their opinion freely, surely they will not grudgj
me a similar liberty.
If " mal " is a loan word from the English, " paigh " is also a
loan word. " Paigh " is simply the English word " pay." It is
the word which is now invariably used, both in written and spoken
Gaelic. I am not referring to Gaelic written or printed eighty or
one hundred years ago, and which may have been repeatedly
printed or transcribed since. I am only saying that, for many
years, " paigh," a loan-word from the English, has been invariably
used all over the Highlands. But there is a Gaelic word for
" rent," namely, "ioc." In Macleod and Dewar's Dictionary "ioc" is
the word given for " rent " or " payment." As a verb, " ioc "
means " pay," " render," etc. The only place in which I find " ioc"
used is in the Scriptures. In one of the Gospels we have " Ioc
dhomh na bheil agam ort " (" Pay me what thou owest"). In
another Gospel we have " Nach 'eil bhur maighstir-sa ag iocadh na
cise ? ("Doth not your master pay tribute ?") uloc," the Imperative
Mood, is the root word. From this root we have got several
words which throw light upon the point under consideration. " loch-
daran " and " Uachdaran " are co-relative terms. " lochdaran" is
the one who pays, and " UacKdaran" is the one who receives
payment. "Uachdaran is iochdaran" are the words which, to
this day, are used when speaking of people in their relations to each
-other as landlords and tenants. If, however, the landlord happened
to have the title of Lord, or Earl, &c., he would have been called by
courtsey, " Morofhear," and not " Uachdaran." The House of Lords
was called " Taigh nam Morofhearan," and the Lords of the Court of
Session were called " Na Morofhearan Dearga." " Morofhear"=
*' Morfhear," " the big man." The title given to a nobleman very
Stray Notes on Gaelic. 69
often was " Urra-mh6r." "lochdar" and "Uachdar," "upper"
and " lower," were, and still are, used in a general way. But, as
may be inferred from the proverb, "Clachan beaga 'dol an iochdar
's clachan m6ra 'tighinn an uachdar," " Little stones going
below, and big stones coming above, " iochdar" and " uachdar"
show that the idea of paying and receiving payment is not left
out of sight. It shows also that in obedience to a natural law one
class of people rises in the world, while another class must of
necessity go down. There must be upper and lower among men
in spite of all efforts to the contrary.
There are other terms which mark the distinction as regards
the social position of the people, namely, " uasal" and "iosal,"
"high" and "low." "Duine uasal," "gentleman," does not
necessarily mean a man of a gentle and amiable nature, but a man
who is in a high position through having property. This seems
quite plain when the correlative term " iosal" is taken into con-
sideration. It seems that the possession of property was con-
sidered a necessary qualification of a " duine uasal." The proverb,
" Uaisle gun chuid, agus niaragan gun gheir" " Gentility without
property, and puddings without tallow" plainly point out this.
The meaning of the proverb is, that, as puddings could not be
made without tallow, a man could not be a gentleman without
possessing property. The idea that a gentleman should be rich,
and very liberal about his riches, is strongly entertained by many
all over the Highlands to this very day.
It is remarkable that there are no names in the Gaelic for the
various meals we take. " Braiceist," " dinneir," and " suipeir" are
loa.n-words from the English. This proves that the Highlanders
of old had no stated times for taking their meals. The Gaelic
word commonly used is " biadh," food. " Thig dhachaidh gu
d' bhiadh," " come home to your food ;" " tha 'in biadh deiseil,"
' the food is ready ;" " tha 'n t-am am biadh a dheasachadh," " it
s time to prepare the food," &c., &c., were the usual expressions.
* Diota," a word common in many places, is a loan-word, namely,
' diet." The words " Dia," " God," " diabhul," " devil," " ifrinn,"
'hell," "neamh." "heaven," are also loan-words, namely, " Deus,"
'diabolus," " infernum," "nebula." " Flaitheanas" is Gaelic.
From this it is clear that the Highlanders of old, though they
believed in a state of future blessedness, had no idea of God, or of
the devil, or of a place of future torment.
Much more of this sort of thing might be written, but if these
" Notes" are wise they are long enough, and if they are
(which is more than likely), they are by far too long.
70 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
24th FEBRUARY, 1892.
At this meeting Mr William Mackay, solicitor, Inverness, read
a paper on " General Monck's Campaign in the Highlands in
1654." Mr Mackay's paper was as follows : —
THREE UNPUBLISHED DESPATCHES FROM
GENERAL MONCK,
DESCRIBING HIS MILITARY OPERATIONS IN THE HIGHLANDS IN 1654.
General Monck's campaign in the Highlands in 1654 has
strangely escaped the notice of Scottish historians. Except by
Hill Burton, who only refers to his Operations in the Southern
Highlands, and evidently did not know of his expedition into the
counties of Inverness and Ross, it was not even alluded to until
Mr Julian Corbett published his interesting life of Monck in 1889
(u English Men of Action Series'"). The following despatches,
which have never been published, throw7 a flood of light on the
event, and show what a brilliant affair it was. The transcripts
are taken from Monck's own copies, which are preserved in the
Library of Worcester College, Oxford — and for them I am indebted
to the courtesy of the Rev. the Warden of the College and the
Librarian.
A few words by way of introduction to the despatches.
Although the Scots surrendered Charles the First to the English
Parliamentary Party, they disapproved of his execution, and
brought his son, Charles the Second, home to reign in his stead.
The new King's supporters were, however, defeated by the English
at Dtmbar, in June, 1650, and again at Worcester, in September,
1651. After Worcester, Cromwell's soldiers over-ran the greater
part of Scotland, and ruled the country — establishing, among
other garrisons, one at Inverness — at the Citadel, or Sconce — and
another at Brahan. Certain Highland chiefs, however, including
Lochiel and Glengarry, still held out for the Stewarts, and when
the Earl of Glencairn raised the Royal Standard, in 1653, they
hastened to join him. Glencairn wasted time in aimless marches,
and before long he had to yield the chief command to the more
energetic General Middleton. Lilburne, who commanded Crom-
well's forces in Scotland, proved, notwithstanding the famous
Colonel Morgan's assistance, unable to suppress the Royalist ris-
ing. Cromwell, therefore, resolved to put a stronger man in his
Advance -marches —
Return TYta-robee
Halting ptac«« ineniioned X
Unpublished Despatches from General Mo nek. 73
place, and in April, 1654, Monck arrived at Dalkeith, in the
capacity of Governor of Scotland, and armed with the fullest
powers.
He at once prepared to follow the Royalists into the High-
lands. In May he moved to Stirling, from whence he advanced
into the district of Aberfoyle, where, after repeated repulses, he
dispersed the forces of Glencairn. He then marched northward to
meet Middleton — having arranged that he should be joined by
Morgan, who was stationed at Brahan, and by Colonel Brayne,
who was despatched to bring 2000 men from Ireland to Inver-
lochy. His movements were extraordinarily rapid. He started
from St Johnstone's (Perth), on Friday, 9th June, with a force of
horse and foot, which included his own regiment, now the famous
Coldstream Guards. I shall allow himself to tell the rest of the
story ; and the accompanying map, which has kindly been pre-
pared by Mr James Fraser, C.E., will help us to follow his foot-
steps. The first despatch is addressed to General Lambert, from
Glenmoriston, en 25th June ; the second, to Cromwell, from
.Ruthven in Badenoch, on 7th July ; and the third, to Cromwell,
from Stirling, on 29th July.
I. MONCK TO LAMBERT.
My Lord, — We are now come thus farre for the finding-out of
the Enemy, and have received information that Middleton is with
the greatest parte of his force, reported to bee betweene three and
foure thousand, at Kintale, which is about 18 miles hence, where
I intende to bee this day, and, if possible, either engage or scatter
them. However, I shall with these Forces attend his motions to
prevent his further leavies. Col. Brayne was with mee (with ye
Marquesse of Argile) on Thursday last at the foot of Lough
Loughee, 6 miles from Inner Loughee, where hee hath entrencht
those forces hee brought from Ireland.
I remain yr. Lordshippe's most humble servt.,
GEORGE MONCK.
Campe at Glenmorriston, 25th June, 1654.
II. — MONCK TO CROMWELL.
May itt please your Highnesse,
Wee are now returned back thus farre after the
Enemy under Middleton, who by a teadious march have harras't
out their horse very much ; both Highlanders and Lowlanders
begin to quitt them. They are now about Dunkell, butt wee
74 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
heare they intend to march towards the Head of Lough-Lomond,
wee shall doe our best to overtake them in the Reare, or putt
them to a very teadious march, the which wee hope will utterlie
breake them. I desire your Highnesse will be pleased to give
order That care may bee taken that the Irish forces that are att
Loughaber may continue there, for a yeare : I finde they are very
unwilling, being they were promist (as they say) to returne within
3 or 4 Monthes, but being that providence hath ordered That that
partie should come into those parts itt will bee a great deale of
trouble to shippe them away, & to shippe other men to Releive
them in that place ; and truly the place is of that Consequence
for the keeping of a garrison there for the destroying of the
stubbornest enemy wee have in the Hills, that of the Clan
Cameron's and Glengaries, and the Earle of Seafort's people, that
wee shall not bee able to doe our worlft unlesse wee continue a
Garrison there for one yeare ; For in case we should withdraw
that Garrison towards the winter from thence these 3 clans doe
soe over awe the rest of the clans of the Country that they would
bee able to inforce them to rise, in case wee should withdraw our
garrisons, and nott find them imployment att home the next
Summer before there will bee any grasse for us to subsist in the
Hills : In case wre should putt in some of our owne forces there
and return the others into Ireland wee shall not have shipping to
doe both, besides the unsetling of one and setling the other will
be a great inconvenience to us : This I thought fitt humbly to
offer to your Highnesse, concerning which I shall humbly desire
to have your Highnesse speedy Answer what you intend to doe
with the Irish forces, and in case you doe intend the Irish forces
shall stay there, T desire you will please to write to L. Col. Finch
who commands the Irish Forces under Col, Brayne that they may
stay there, for I finde they are something unwilling unless they
putt your Highnesse to that trouble & therefore now the letter
may be speeded to him as soone as may be if your Highnesse
thinke fitt. Col. Morgan is att present about ye Bray of Marre,
<fc Col. Tvvistleton neere Glasgowe with Col. Pride's Regiment.
I remain, &c.,
GEORGE MONCK.
Cainpe at Ruthven in Badgenoth,
7 July 1654.
III. MONCK TO CROMWELL.
May itt please your Highnesse,
Being returned hither I thought itt my duty to
resent your Highnesse with the enclosed acct. of these forces'
Unpublished Despatches from General Monch. 75
six weeks march in the Hills, which I humbly tender to your
consideration, and remayne,
Your Highnesses most humble Servent,
GEORGE MONCK.
Sterling, 29th July, 1654.
Narrative of Proceedings in the Hills from June 9 to 29 July,
16f>4- [Endorsement .]
Uppon Friday the 9th of June I marched with Col. Okey's,
and the Regiment of Horse late Major Generall Harrison's, and 50
of Capt. Green's troope of Dragoones, my owne, Col. Overton's, 4
•companies of Sir Wm. Constable's, one of Col. Fairfax's, and one
of Col. Alured's Regiment of Foote, from S. Johnston's for the
Hills, and coming uppon the 12th to Lough Tay. Understanding
that an Island therein was garrison'd by the Enemy I sent a
summons to the Governour, Capt. Donald Robertson, who
att first returned answer, That hee would keepe itt for his
Majistie's service to the expence of his laste droppe of bloud,
but uppon the preparation of noates for the storming of
itt, he rendred the Garrison uppon articles the 14th of
June, whereuppon considering that Balloch the Laird of Glenury's
[Glenorchy] House, Weem's Castle, and the Isle were con-
siderable to secure the Country, I placed a Company of Foote in
Ballock, and another in Weems and the Isle. The Enemy having
quitt Garth Castle, a small Castle and nott considerable, leaving
30 arms (most charged) behinde them order was given for the
burning of itt. From thence I marched to Ruthven in Badgenoth,
where I had notice of Middleton's being with his whole force about
Glengaries Bounds, which hasten'd my March the 20th to Cluny,
and from thence the next day to Glenroy, which being the first
Bounds of the Clan Camerons I quarter'd att, and they being uppe
in arms against us, wee began to fire all their houses. I had there
notice Middleton was in Kintale.
The 23th the Marquesse of Argyll and Coh Brayne mett mee
att the Head of Lough Loughe and had an account of the killing
of threescore and odde of the Souldiers from Ireland that went
from Innerloghee, most of them in cold bloud by the Clan
Cameron's. The 24th the armi came to Glenmoriston, and in the
wpy mett with Col. Morgan's Brigade neere Glengaries new House
which was burn't by that Brigade the day before, and the remayn-
ing structure I order'd to bee defaced by the pyoneers. Col.
Thomlinson's owne troope with Capt. Glynn's and Capt. Farmer's
troope of Dragoones taken in to march with my partie. Col.
76 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Morgan appointed to the Head of Loughnesse to attend the
Enemies motion in case wee should drive them that way. Thb
25th the army came to Glenquough, and the next day to Glen-
Sinnick1 in Kintale (where the Enemy had bin the day before).
The violent storms in the Hills drove about 500 cowes sheepe and
goates for shelter into the Glen, which was brought in by the
soulders. Wee had notice that Middleton's Horses were gone to
Glenelg that night. The 27th the Army came to Lough-Els,2
where the Enemy had also bin, and left 3 barrells of powder with
some store of provisions behinde them for haste. Ir all our march
from Glenroy wee burn't the houses and cottages of the Mac-
Martin's and others in armes and in all parts of Seaforth's
Country.
The 29th I came to Glen-teugh3 in the Shields of Kintale >
the night was very tempestuous and blew down most of the
tents. In all this march wee saw only 2 women of the inhabitants,
and one man. The 30th the army march't from Glenteugh to
Browling,4 the way for neere 5 miles soe boggie that about 100
baggage horses were left behinde, and many other horses begg'd
or tir'd. Never any Horse men (much lesse an armie) were
observ'd to march that way. The soulders mett with 500 cattell,
sheepe, and goates, which made some part of ameends for the hard
march.
July 1. Col. Morgan came to mee to Browling where he had
orders to march into Caithnesse, and to make itt unserviceable
for the Enemies Quarters this Winter. The 3d instant att Dun-
neene5 neere Invernesse I received letters from the Governour of
Blaire Castle in Atholl, that Middleton with his forces reputed
about 4000 Horse and Foote came within the view of the Gar-
rison indeavouring to make uppe their leavies, and were marching
towards Dunkell. That Seafort, Glengary, Sir Arthur Forbes, Sir
Mungoe Murray, Mac-Cloude, and others were left behinde to per-
1 Glen-Simiick or Glen-Finnick : not now known. The Rev. Mr Morison
of Kintail thinks it must have been Glengynate, which was probably the old
name of the Glen through which the Inate runs.
2 Loch-Alsh — that is, the southern shore of the arm of the sea called
Lochalsh.
3 Glenteugh : probably Lon Fhiodha, on the way from Kintail to Glen"
strathfarar.
4 Brouliue, in Glenstrathfarar.
5 The fact that Monck was at Dunain seems to show that from Glen-
strathfarar he marched up Strathglass, and down through Glen-Urquhart, to
Inverness.
Unpublished Despatches from General Monch. 77
feet their leavies in Sir James Mac-Donalds bounds in Skye Island,
and Loughaber. The 6th Col. Morgan came to mee att Fallaw,1
neere Inverness, and had orders to march back towards the Bray
of Maur to attend the Enemies motion, myselfe intending to follow
'them through Atholl. The 7th, 8th, and 9th, the army continued
marching, and came the 10th neere Weems Castle. Col. Okey
"was sent out with a party of 200 Horse and 250 Foote to discover
'the Enemy, who wee heard were marching from Garuntilly towards
Fosse : Some of his partie alarum'd the Earle of Atholl's forces,
kill'd 3 and brought away 4 prisoners. Having staid att Weems
the llth for the taking in provisions wee march't the 12th to
Lawers : Middleton was the day before att Finlarick at the Head
of Lough Tay, and burn't that House belonging to the Laird of
'Glenurqy. The 14th, marched from Glendowert to Glenloughee
•about 16 miles. In the evening the Enemy under Middleton
were discovered by our Scouts, marching in Glenstrea and
firing the Country as they went (having risen from
before the House of Glenurqy in Loughoe2 before which
they had layne 2 dayes, and had made some preparations
to storm itt, The Marquesse of Argyll and Glenurqy
being in it). But uppon the view of some few of our forces they
•dispersed severall wayes, our men being to passe over an high hill
towards them, and night approaching could not engage them,
they left behinde them divers of their baggage horses with
portmantuats and provisions, some of them march't that night to
Rannogh above 16 miles, by which time they were reduc't from
4000, which they were once reported to bee, to lesse than 2000.
The next day I marched to Strasfellon, where the Marquesse of
Argyll mett mee and declar'd his resolution to use his indeavours
to oppose the Enemy : They took 4 of his horses that morning.
The 19th Major Kerne of Major Generall Harrison's late Regiment
with a partie of Horse being sent out to discover the Enemy,
whose scouts alarum'd them, and hasten'd their march from
Rannogh towards Badgenoth, soe that the next day July 20 uppon
my march towards Glen-lion wee had newes by one who brought
away Middleton's paddle-nagge, That Col. Morgan had the day
before mett with Middleton's Horse and routed them neere
Lough-Gary, which was confirmed by about 25 prisoners taken
this night and brought in, and among the rest Lt. Col. Peter Hay
(who lately escaped out of Edinburgh Castle), Capt. Graham, and
1 Faillie, in Strathnairn. 2 Loch Awe.
78 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
others. Major Bridge was sent out with 130 Horse and Dragoons
towards Lough Rannogh to fall upon the straglers, and returned
the next day to the Campe neere Weems having falne upon a
partie of Horse and Foote under Atholl, tooke some prisoners,
much baggage, and amongst the rest Atholl's portmantua, clothes,
linnen, his Com'isn from Ch. Stuart [Charles the Second], divers
letters from him and Middleton and other papers of Concernment,
Atholl himself narrowlie escaping.
The 23d at the Campe neere S. Johnston's I had letters froui
Col. Morgan of the defeate of Middleton's partie above 300.
Horse taken with his commission and instructions from Charles
Stuart and other considerable papers. Alsoe Kenmore's [Lord
Ken mure] sumpter horse. The number of the enemy was 800
horse, uppon whose route 1200 foote which they had within 4
miles alsoe fled towards Loquaber. Th^number taken and kill'd
is nott yett sent, but divers of those which escaped are much
wounded ; and amongst the rest some of the prisoners report that
Middleton had the States Marke. Wee are now come hither where
wee shall stay some few days for refreshment. Some small parties
of the Enemy are abroad in the country, and on Munday and
Tuesday nights last, burn't Castle Campbell, an House belonging
to the Marquesse of Argyll, and Dunblain a Garrison kept by us
last Winter, and say they have orders from Middleton to burne
all the stronge Houses neere the Hills. On Tuesday I intend to
inarch hence towards Lough Lomond neere which place Glencairne
hath layne all this while with about 200 Horse, and I heare that
Forrester Mac-naughton and others are joyned with him about
Abrifoyle and make him uppe 500 Horse and Foote, whome I
shall also indeavour to disperse.
I shall only add that Monck's expedition into the Loch
Lomond district was attended with complete success, and that he
was able to return to his headquarters at Dalkeith by the end of
August. As Governor of Scotland he did much good ; and he
became so popular with the Highlanders that when, after the
death of Cromwell, he marched into England to bring about the
Restoration of Charles the Second, Lochiel, for whom he had an
intense admiration, was able to attach himself to his staff, and
ride with him to London.
The Gaelic Dialect of Badenoch. 79
9th MARCH, 1892.
At this meeting Mr Thomas Edward Hall Maxwell of Dargavel,
Dunolly, Inverness, was elected a member of the Society. M
Alexander Macbain, M.A., thereafter read a paper on " The Gaeli
Dialect of Badenoch." Mr Macbain's paper was as follows : —
THE GAELIC DIALECT OF BADENOCH.
Badenoch, from its central position in the Scottish Highlands,
perched as it is among the Grampian Hills, might be expectedfto
have one of the purest dialects of Gaelic in Scotland. We might
at least expect the purity of its tongue to equal that of Lochaber,
the neighbouring district to the west ; but such is by no means
the case. The valley of the Spey has for long been exposed to
the pacific invasion of the Lowland Scotch or the " Gall ;" the
lowest reaches of the river have for centuries been Scotch in
language, and Strathspey is now practically in a like condition.
A considerable amount of Gaelic is still spoken in the Upper
Strathspey district — that is, in the parishes of Abernethy and
Duthil; but Grantown, as against Kingussie, is a Lowland
village. The number of Scotch and English words in the dialect
of Badenoch is now vory large ; the people, especially the young
people, appropriate English words, and impress them into a
Gaelic sentence, with the utmost indifference. Such a sentence as
follows I have good reason to believe was actually spoken by one
Englified Gael from a far-away glen in the district : — " Tha mi 'g
admirig most anabarrach am beauty aig an scenery tha'nn so." "I
am admiring most excessively the beauty of this scenery here."
The use of English words and even English forms of grammar —
as in the case of " most anabarrach" above — is very prevalent, and
increases gradually as we descend the river Spey. As a con-
sequence of this influx of new words and new syntactical ideas,
the old case inflections of the language are being disregarded.
Such an expression as " ceann na cearc" for " ceann na circe" will
not strike a present day Badenoch man as anything but the most
right and natural thing in the world. But it was not always
thus. I still remember that my old paternal grandmother — she
used to tell me that at the age of four or so the hearse of the
famous James Macpherson, of Ossianic fame, nearly ran her over —
I remember that she used regularly to say na litinn, "of the
porridge," a genitive inflection so striking as to attract my youth-
ful fancy, and make me extend, out of sheer curiosity and fun,
80 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
its application to other words. This genitive may be looked for
in vain in any of our Gaelic dictionaries, but yet we know from
early Irish sources that the genitive was in n in the case of this
word. Poets like Calum Dubh nam Protaigean, Duncan Gow,
and Bean Torra-dhamh, who nourished in the opening years of
this century, composed in the best of Gaelic. Fear Strathmhaisidh,
Macpherson's friend and contemporary, finds an honourable place
among the minor Highland bards, and his Gaelic is as classic as
any of his time. And what are we to say of " translator" Mac-
pherson himself ? If his Gaelic was not good, as some of his con-
temporaries asserted, then we must not think that it was the
fault of his native dialect of Badencch, but rather that it was
owing to his classical and general university training. But is the
charge true? It is allowed that the poems of Ossian, being
ancient, must be good Gaelic. Macj&erson's Ossianic poetry is
said by critics to be good Gaelic ; its faults are owing to its
antiquity, as Dr Clark practically said, that is, its inversions,
curtness, use of nouns for adjectives, and disregard of inflections.
Now, the belief among Celtic scholars is that Macpherson himself
wrote these poems, both Gaelic and English, and I claim that all
that is good in the Gaelic belongs to Macpherson's native store of
Badenoch Gaelic found in tale and ballad, while its faults are all
due to the influence of English and classical literature, in which
Macpherson was well versed, and in the atmosphere of which he
wrote his Gaelic foi the poems.
Badenoch Gaelic cannot claim a higher antiquity than these
two Macphersons of last century. We »my, however, at once say
that there is no specimen of any literature in the modern dialect
of Badenoch. When a Badenoch man within the last generation
or two got on his high poetic Pegasus, he used what he understood
to be the general literary dialect of the Highlands as he found it
in books or heard it in songs. It is this divorce between the
literary dialect and the local dialect that keeps the language from
being more written than it is. And there is also the added
difficulty of the orthography. In many parts, however, the local
dialect is as good as, if not better than, the literary dialect, which
largely imbibed Irish methods and idioms. Besides, the Northern
dialect of Gaelic has had little or no say in the establishment of
this literary standard, and us a consequence " Argyleshire" idioms,
syntax, and inflections, with their Hibernianisms, form the model
to which the North must conform. There is certainly a hardship
in the case, but it is now impossible to remedy matters.
Badenoch belongs to the Northern dialect of Gaelic. This
Northern, in contradistinction to the Southern dialect, which is
The Gaelic Dialect of Badenoch. 81
the dialect south of the Grampians and of the Lochaber district
along by the Firth of Lome, is distinguished chiefly by changing
€u in certain cases to ia. The Southern dialect has, say, beul ;
the Northern dialect has bial. The distinction is confined to a
few nouns, whose e vowel is made long by the compensation due
to the loss of the following consonant, generally n, provided that
the original stems of these nouns ended in o or «, that is, belonged
to the o or a declension, corresponding to the Latin first and
second declensions. Thus breug, briag (a lie), stands for the
original brenca. One or two verbs follow this rule by analogy,
and also the adjective geur, giar. Other nouns or adjectives in eu
retain that sound in both dialects unchanged and exactly the
same in timbre. A further difference in the two dialects exists in
the case of the diphthong <io, which has a freer sound in the
Southern dialect; the Argyleshire saor is pronounced like the
French soeur, whereas in the Northern dialect the sound becomes
"that of a " modified" long u. It in fact becomes more Brittonic
a,nd Pictish. Here again, however, the Southern sound of ao may
appear also in the Northern dialect. The word aobhar has the ao
sound exactly the same as in the Northern dialect. The reason
for these anomalies lies in the history of the words. Where the
ao stands for an original diphthong, the two dialects differ,
whereas in aobhar, aoradh, and others it stands for a vowel and a
lost consonant (aobhar being for adhbkar), and has the Southern
sound in the Northern dialects, the ao corresponding to eu being
excepted.
Neither the Northern nor the Southern dialect is homogeneous.
Sub-dialects exist in every considerable district — we might almost
say in every parish. The dialect of Northern Sutherland is very
different from the Badenoch dialect, and, of course, the nearer
dialects are more like each other than any of them is to dialects
more remote. The Badenoch and Strathdearn Gaelics are very
like one another. Again, curiously enough, there is a considerable
divergence between the Badenoch and Strathspey Gaelic. The
timbre, or tone, of the vowels is especially different in the two
districts : to put it in common language, the " twang " is
•different. The Strathspey people have a simple vocalic sound
before the liquids where in Badenoch a secondary sound may be
heard. Thus, in Strathspey the a of earn is simply the Gaelic a
long, but in Badenoch the passage from the a to the r is bridged
by a u sound ; as a consequence, the sound might be represented
by an English cawrn, or a phonetic cawrn. On the other hand,
ithe famous Strathspey sound of mathair (mother), which is like
6
82 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the French equivalent word, has one or two parallels in Badenochr
as'we shall see, though this particular word is not one of them.
The Strathspey glinn (pretty) is not quite unique in the High-
lands, being sometimes heard in Strathnairn and Easter Hoss. It-
is a confused descendant of early Irish glinn (bright) and grinn
(pretty), both from different roots.
The Badenoch dialect itself presents, to one well acquainted in
the district, striking variations. The Laggan Gaelic is better than
that of Lower Badenoch, but it is the different tone or " twang""
that marks the various parishes or districts that constitutes the
most of the difference in the local dialect as spoken in certain
places. Newtonmore differs from the Kingussie and Insh villages,
and Alvie parish has its peculiarity of intonation as compared with
Insh. When one passes into Rothiemurchus, just over the con-
fines of Badenoch, he finds himself a1f once and abruptly in the-
midst of a new dialect of Gaelic : the Strathspey "twang" and the
Strathspey peculiarities are almost in full swing.
In discussing the various peculiarities of Badenoch Gaelic, I
will follow the order of the grammar, beginning with phonetics,
passing on to declension and conjugation, and, with a glance
at the syntax and idioms that are characteristic of the district,
ending with some remarks on its vocabulary.
I. PHONETICS.
Modern philologists begin with the vowels, and we may, in so
vocalic a language as Gaelic, properly imitate their example.
There are the "broad" vowels a, o, u, and the "small" vowels
e and i ; and there are the long vowels corresponding to these
(a, i, u, e, 6, with e, 6, which are different in quality). There are
four unaccented diphthongs : ao, eu, ia, and ua ; but the first two
are really single long sounds. Other diphthongs exist, all modifi-
cations of the root vowel by the "broad" or " small" sound in the
adjoining syllables. These " improper" diphthongs will be dis-
cussed along with the vowel from which they are developed.
(1) a short.
The vowel a in Gaelic stands either for an original a or for o ;
the latter is the case in feminine nouns, whose stems ended in a,
and this a influenced the root vowel o. The word cas (foot), gen.,
coise, stands for an old Celtic coxa, the a of which has gone back
into the previous syllable. The genitive having no a ending
retains the original vowel. Now in certain cases in Badenoch,
and indeed all over the country, the opposite has taken place : the
The Gaelic Dialect of Badenoch. 83
a has given way to o. Two elements seem needed to bring about
this result : the word must contain I or r, and it should have i in
the following syllable. Thus coileach (cock) is in Old Irish
caileach, for an original cal-iacos. The i and the I or r influence
the a of the preceding syllable. We find the principle somewhat
extended in words like gobhar (goat) for gabhar and gobhal (fork)
for gabhal, the i influence coming from the oblique cases, such as
the genitive gabhail, that is, goz^'il. Badenoch Gaelic extends this
change considerably. The infinitive gabhail (taking) becomes
go'il, and hence the verb stem altogether presents gobh or go'
for gabh. Similar changes appear in mollachd for mallachd,
Coillinn for Calluinn, and sobhal (sow-'l) for sabhal. The prin-
ciple is carried beyond words with I or r in them in some cases :
finch' for faiche, toigh for taigh, coibe for caibe, stoid for staid,
and s^idh' for saidhe (hay).
The Badenoch imperative reach (go) for rach is interesting,
because the ancient root vowel was an e (the root being rcg, to
stretch, go). It would be too much to fancy that Badenoch all
these centuries cherished the consciousness of this e root.
Simple a becomes ai from the influence of i in the next
syllable. Scotch Gaelic sometimes presents before liquids (I
especially) in such cases an ei. Thus eile (other) is for older aile,
all from Celtic alios, which is cognate with Latin alius. Badenoch
Gaelic extends this principle considerably : thus ainm (name) is
pronounced einim ; the negative prefix ain- is always ein- ; and
the ai is similarly changed in the following words : — bainis, cainb
(ceinib), gainmheach (gein'each), rainech (freineach), sain is, and
aithne (ei'ne).
(2) a long.
Samhach is so'ach, with a slight nasalisation of the o. The
most characteristic change, however, is with one or two words
showing liquids and an i : thus braigh (upper part) becomes bre',
grain is grein, thairiig is theinig, and raith is re'. To this add the
Strathspey me'r for mathair.
A remarkable shortening of the a takes place in the plural of
certain nouns. Lamh is in the plural lamhan (lauan) and cnaimh-
(pronounced cra'i) is cre'an ; but then ramh shows ramhan
(rawan).
(3) o short.
As already noted, Scotch Gaelic shows a in feminine mono-
syllables from old a stems with a root vowel o. This analogy is
extended to polysyllabic words that present broad or dull sounds
64 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
in the succeeding syllable. Gaelic facal is for focal, cadal for
codal, and so with acrach, balg, cal'man, &c. Badenoch follows
the rest of the country here, but makes up for it by reversing the
process in a few cases presenting liquids and an i : thus loinid
becomes lainid or lanaid, roimh is re', troimh is tre", roghainn is
rao'inn (with ao short), and, also, soitheach is sao'ach (ao short).
In a few cases o becomes u, which curiously • enough was in
some cases the original Celtic root vowel : thus — mosach becomes
musach, iomradh is lurmadh, lore is lure, tolg is tulg, and molach
is mulach.
We may pass over long o with the remark that c!6imh becomes
clai', and mo is muth'.
The vowels a and o in syllables that have liquids, and
especially a double liquid, or liquid and another consonant, after
them, develop a parasitic u or iv souner* in passing to the liquid.
Thus lorn becomes lo"m, trom is troum, cam is caum, am is aum.
Similarly, earn is caurn ; and so with ard, allt, poll, toll, call, £c.
This is, however, not a peculiarity confined to Badenoch by any
means.
(4) e short, that is ea, ei.
Gaelic rarely has simple e in a syllable, as in leth. It is so
much coloured by the a or i of the next syllable, existent or once
existent, that ea or ei is felt to express it best.
First, there is a strong tendency over the North to pronounce
ea as ya, a tendency strongly marked in the districts round
Inverness. Thus, each becomes yach, steach is styach, &c. In
Badenoch this decadence is confined to certain closed syllables
like dearg (dyarg), fearg (fyarg), cearc, seann, searrach, sealbh,
searg, teann ; also in ceann, geal, leanabh, seal, &c. Certain
combinations defy even the Inverness dialect : seas, seasg, &c.,
are unchanged. We must particularly note the Badenoch pro-
nunciation of the following shewing an r : rannag is for reannag,
reamhar is rau-ar, greann is grann, and, especially, creag is craig.
Compare reachd, breac, and creach — which are normal.
The ea may become eo, as in geall, which Badenoch pronounces
geoull ; so greallag, seall, steall, to which add seo'ag for seabhag.
An ea or e often becomes io in Gaelic ; but in Badenoch the
following also unwarrantably shew the change : gean becomes
giori, meas is mios, measan is miosan, meadhon is mi'aii, sgeap is
sgip, and beathach is bi'och. The word grois for greis shews ei
&s oi.
Long e, or rather ei, shews an opener sound in the following
cases : reidh, reit appear as re' an re*t. But gle becomes gley.
The Gaelic Dialect of Badenoch. 85
(5) ».
Badenoch sometimes broadens the i sound in words containing
liquids : milis is meilis, righinn is riii'imi, rinn is roinii (I did),
rinn is ruinn (point). Sometimes io of ordinary Gaelic is restored
into (or kept in 1) older root forms in e (ea). Thus, smior appears
as smear, and niionach as meanach. We must specially note toigh
for tigh or taigh, and also nuis for nis (now), Old Irish, inossa
( = in-fois).
(6) ao.
As already noted, the Northern dialect narrows this sound
when it stands for the original diphthongs ae, ai, or oi, but when it
stands for a with a lost aspirated d or g, the Southern sound is
heard. This sound we have in aobhar (adbar), aoradh (adrad),
faolum (foglum), faob (fodb), saoibhir (saidbir), saobhaidh (saob),
&c. To these add tao'ail for tadhai], bao'ar for baothair, which
are short ao forms.
The following are to be remarked upon : baobh is baou' (ao
short). The word caoimhneas is unknown ; it is coibhneas, pro-
nounced coi'neas, which is derived from fine, clan, with the prefix
co. The word aoibhneas also retains its older sound. Adharc
(horn) is pronounced ao-rag (ao short), while laghach and lagha
show a similar short ao sound. The ao of aon (one) becomes a
short u ; before consonants the word is degraded into ann. The
word raoir (last night, from re-tr-i originally), is pronounced some-
what as roy'r.
(7) ua.
In Badenoch the latter sound of this diphthong is o, not a,
Thus we hear tu°gh, not tuagh. So bhuom, not bhuam. The
word nuadh appears in its shorter root form nodha, pronounced
in Badenoch no'.
(8) eu and ia.
In the interchange of these sounds, Badenoch follows the
Northern dialect : beul is bial, breug is briag, deur is diar, and so
on, to some three dozen cases. One or two local peculiarities must
be noted. The word beurla, now meaning English, though
originally meaning language, stands for the Old Irish belre, a
derivative of bel (mouth). In Badenoch its pronunciation is
birrl'. For leugh or liagh (read), we have leogh, or rather, lyo .:
siad or seud (a hero, jewel) becomes se6d.
£6 Gaelic Society of /nuerness.
(9) Consonants.
The mutes and sibilants in the Badenoch dialect are treated
exactly as in the rest of the country. It is in the case of the
liquids, combining among themselves or with the other consonants,
that peculiarities creep in. hi most of the Gaelic dialects r and /
before b, g, bh, and m, present an intermediate obscure vowel ;
thus, dearg is pronounced dearag, dealbh as dealav (in Badenoch
it is dealu'). The combination m, especially rnn, shows a slight
trace of the same intermediate sound : oirnn is oVnn. The con-
sonants r and / were supposed by the older generation of
philologists to interchange indiscriminately, so that roots in I or /•
in similar positions were supposed to be the same. Though there
is some truth in this, yet it has come to be seen that the inter-
change in modern times takes place only for the sake of dissimi-
lation : thus, popularis is easier than pvpulaiis, the form which we
should expect ; pilgrim is the modern form of the Latin peregrinus.
In Badenoch Gaelic we have bruadal for bruadar and cui'lig for
cuibhrig (cover). As in the other dialects, sr initial becomes sir ;
sruth becomes struth.
The letter n receives peculiar treatment. Of course en and gn,
as elsewhere, are now pronounced cr and gr. The combination ng,
non-initial, is dealt with in three or four ways. In the words
tarruing, ung, spuing (for spong), the ny has its proper sound.
But in fulang and tarrang, the n entirely disappears, and we have
fuilig and taireag ; while again in cumhang (narrow) the n does
not go, but the sound is c, cumhanc, or rather cu'anc. The vast
majority of words containing ng, however, practically dispense
with the combination, or substitute for it a u sound. Thus, long
(ship) is pronounced lo'u, which is much the same sound as the ou
in English found. Sometimes a nasalisation of the resultant vowel
is all that takes place, as in seang, sreang, and, to a little extent,
in muing (that is mui'). The word daingen is practically dai'en ;
while in lang^n, meanglan, and teangaidh the ng becomes
distinctly a y sound with nasalisation of the previous vowel.
An interesting case of dissimilation of the n takes place in
eanchaill (brain) for eanchainn. As in the other dialects simple n
terminal often gets duplicated ; this is particularly the case with
prefix words, especially before t, d, and s. We have bann — for
ban — (female) regularly ; but so also we have seann, as in seann
duine, whereas the adjective really is sean, and is properly
pronounced only when it comes after the noun. The word aon
(one) is in Badenoch pronounced aim vvhen it precedes a word ; but
The Gaelic Dialect of Badenoch. 87
•when it is independent it is pronounced un. We must further
-note leathainn for leathan and ciadainn for ceudna.
The n or nn before s disappears, and the vowel of the syllable
is nasalised. Thus we have 6iseach for oinseach, ba'is for bainnse
(from banais), pui'sean for puinnsean, Loch-is for Loch-innis
{Loch Insh), ui'sinn for uinnsean. A somewhat similar result
takes place with n before r. Thus we have ca'ran for canran,
ma'ran for manran, the d being nasalised. For anart (linen) we
.get a'ard.
(10) Aspiration.
As is well known, the mutes, with m,f, and .s, are " aspirated" in
'Gaelic if they stand alone between vowels. Of the hard mutes
c and p become ck and ph and remain ; but t in becoming tli
becomes merely a breathing, sometimes, to use expressions applic-
able to the Greek, an open breathing, as in the middle of words,
sometimes an aspirate, as at the beginning of words (brathair
being bra'ir, while tha is ha). All the dialects pronounce the th
in gu brath as gu brach, a form which appears in 17th century
Gaelic. In a word like saothar (labour), the th goes and the word
contracts into saor, just as gh goes in saoghal and bh in faobhar,
which are pronounced in Badenoch like simple saol and faor, with
;the close northern sound of ao. In fact the medial aspirates are
apt to disappear : Slighe is sli' and tigh or taigh is toi'. But bh
is more stubborn than gh or dh. Thus abhainn is awainn or
rather aw-inn. Some dialects delight in pronouncing terminal
adh as ag ; bualadh as bualag. Badenoch does nothing of that ;
it simply drops the dh altogether. After r and I, bh becomes u
and the previous vowel has a more deliberate sound ; thus garbh
becomes ga'ru, halbh is ba'lu, &c. The word craobh is very
peculiar ; its aobh is sounded as in laogh, which is one of the most
•difficult of Gaelic words to pronounce for outsiders.
The sound of mh is v, but in Badenoch it becomes, in the body
or end of a word, either w or u or almost nothing. Thus lamh
becomes lai', and lamhari becomes lawan. Samhradh, samhuinn
are sauradh and sau'inn ; reamhar is ra-w-ar or rau'ar ; damh is
dau • deanamh becomes simply cleanu ; in talmhainn the mh goes
away almost entirely, and in samhach the medial sounds are crushed
into a nasalised 6, that is, so'ch : seimh becomes a nasalised sei,
but naomh retains its mh or v sound, because it is a literary word.
(ll)Eclipsis.
Eclipsis is caused by the influence of terminal n, which, when
.the language, several hundred years ago, was a highly inflected one,
88 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
ended, as in Greek, many grammatical forms. Irish has an
elaborate system of initial changes caused by this w, but Scottish
Gaelic never got further than the Old Irish stage in respect to this
matter, and eventually it lost the influence of n with the loss of
inflections and the consequent levelling up of forms and sounds.
In some parts we hear a' so, a' fear, for an so, am fear ; and doubt-
less these dialectic forms are the oldest. Badenoch does not know
this dropping of the n before s, /, r, and / ; but it has its own
peculiar way of dealing with n before/. In the first place n before
/ must become w, according to Gaelic phonetic laws ; but in
Badenoch this m causes the /to be provected into a p. Hence
am feur becomes am piar, am fraoch becomes am praoch, and so
on. This is the greatest peculiarity of Badenoch Gaelic, which it
shares with Strathdearn as well.
The article an, with its n, undoubtedly affects some initial
consonants. The most definite case is that of c • an cu (the dog)
is pronounced as an gu or an gcu, a sound which is sharper than
the ordinary g, but softer than c.
(12) Prothesis.
Prothetic letters, such as the s of sleac (flag) for leac, arise
from the influence of the previous word ending. Doubtless s is.
a reminiscence of the old nominative terminations. Prothetic /
however, would appear to be due to analogy : words without initial
/, in certain circumstances, take the / to look and sound like real
/"-beginning words. The system of aspiration makes this easy and
natural. It is similar with t.
In Badenoch we have both sleac and leac, but, again, we never
hear sneip (a turnip), only neip being used. Prothetic / is com-
mon : raineach becomes freineach, eagal is feagal, aithne is faithn',
imiridh is firmidh, faltan-fionn (tendon) is a derivative of alt
(joint) ; and fos is used regularly for os (above). The word
aithne after particles ending in m has an unstable /which appears
as b : thus — feithni'idh mi (I will recognise) shews after am the
form Am b'eithnich. The d of deanntag and deigh is found
elsewhere than in Badeuoch ; and the bat is known as dealtag-
anmoch, for ialtag.
(13) Metathesis
This is the transposition of a letter, chiefly /, r, and s. Thus —
imiridh becomes irimidh, imrich is irimich, lomradh is lurmadh,
barail is balair, coinneal is coillinn ; in Laggan they say ealabar
for earball ; imleag becomes ilimeag, imlich is ilimich, uaisle
The Gaelic Dialect of Badenoch. 89-
becomes uailse, fartlaich is faltraich, farraid is fa'aird. The n of
seangan (ant) is shifted, and the word becomes snioghan ; the
Manx, however, is snieggan or sniengan, and both dialects seem
supported by the Greek
II. DECLENSION.
Badenoch, as already notedj shews a sad falling off in the
matter of declension, the nominative case doing duty for the
genitive, or the dative for the nominative.
(1) The Article.
A curious case of the loss of n of the article occurs in athair-
nei', the Badenoch word for serpent. The first part is properly
nathair ; the latter, neimhe, poison. The n of nathair is lost
because the article ends in n ; the combination is An nathair.
Curiously the same thing happens with the same word in English ;
adder is for nadder. Similarly ollaig stands for nollaig (Christmas).
On the other hand nighean conies from An inghean (daughter).
(2) The Noun.
The tendency to use the nominative singular for the genitive
is very strong. Young people at once say " Ceanii na cearc," for
circe. Again in feminine nouns the oblique genitive or dative is
often used as the nominative ; thus lamh is laimh (pronounced
lai', nasally). The dative case, of course, is otherwise disregarded.
In regard to irregular nouns a levelling up takes place. The word
fcean has its genitive as bean, not mnatha ; but the plural is
mnathan. The nouns of the i declusion, like fuil, suil, &c., have-
no genitive either. The plurals are regularly enough done ; the
vocative plural of o stems is rightly pronounced in u, though
written a : fheara is pronounced fhearu. It is an old nominative
in os. So beulaobh, the dative plural of beul, with the adverbial
force of " before," is properly pronounced bialu, for in older times
there were two cases used, the dative for rest and the accusative
for motion — belaib, belu. It is the latter case evidently that pre-
vails in pronunciation.
In the following instances the obligue cases are used for the
nominative. Masculine nouns : aitidh for aiteamh, claiginn for
claigionn, so too gobhainn, salainn, siabuinn. This may go along
with a change from masculine to feminine, as in — fearainn for
fearann, deididh, aitribh, suird, spuing, tiodhlaic. Feminine nouns
show this change largely : omhaich for amhach, so aodainn, beinis
and bainuse, beinn, bois, broiuu, bruaich cabhaig, cluais, craig%
'90 Gaelic Society of /nuerness.
•cruaich, gaig, glaic, gualainu, laimh, loinn (a glade) from lanu,
searmaid, sliaisd (for sliasad), teangaidh, and uilinn. In adjectivas,
too. oblique forms are found in leathainn for leathan, in anfhainn.
•mairinn, ollaimh for nllamh, and leisg for leasg.
(3) Gender.
The loss of the neuter gender in modern Gaelic has caused
neuter nouns to fall cither under the head of masculine or feminine,
and the different dialects deal with them variously, one making
a noun masculine and another making it feminine. The word
•muir (sea) was originally neuter ; the dictionaries mark it as both
masculine and feminine. In most dialects, the word is feminine ;
it is so in Badenoch. In Lewis matters have gone so peculiarly
that the nominative is feminine (a' mhuir), and the genitive
is masculine (ccann a' mhara) ! In* Badenoch the following
originally neuter nouns are feminine though the dictionaries make
them masculine, or masculine and feminine at times — aitreabh,
beum, guidhe, leum, teum, fearann, fasach, fios, teas, sgeul, glun,
magh, muir, tir, the latter four being in the dictionaries marked as
of either gender. The following nouns are feminine in Badenoch,
though masculine in the dictionary : beuc, bid, bruchd, buachar,
eobhar, deudach, dorchadas, earr, luchd, faileas, greann, ladha-r,
lag, loingeas, mios (masculine and feminine), naimhdeas, nasg, tend.
The following words are masculine in Badenoch, though feminine
in the authorities : bile, ciall, deo, fainne, gobhal, leisg, neart,
meur. Comhrag and ros, over which the dictionaries differ, were
originally neuter and are masculine in Badenoch. Naturally
enough borrowed words in different dialects appear of opposite
genders. In Badenoch the following are feminine, while the
dictionaries make them masculine, fang, lad, lagh, leabhar, siola,
sparr, speur, spot ; while the following are masculine — boineid,
muidse, paisd, peann (pronounced as in English), pillean, rocas for
rocais, spors.
(4) Adjectives.
Outside the aspirations for gender, case and number, the
adjective has now little inflection in Badenoch. In fact, an expres-
sion like " Ceann na cearc bheag " (ceann na circe bige) is now the
natural expression in the district. We may say case inflection is
gone, and certainly there is no plural inflection. Even the com-
parative suffers. The irregular comparatives, of course, hold their
ground, but we may hear any day such an expression as : " Tha
so nas geal na sin " (Tha so na *s gile na sin). The Irish nios
{thing that is) is replaced properly enongh in Scottish Gaelic by
na's (what is), and Badenoch recognises no other.
The Gaelic Dialect of Badenoch. 91
There is little to remark about the numerals, save, as already
-noted, that aon becomes, independently, un ; with a noun, it is
ann, with n duplicated. In h-aon-diag (eleven) it has its proper
form.
(5) Pronouns.
As in other places, the pronoun of the second person singular
is restricted in its application to juniors or inferiors, while sibh
applies to seniors and superiors. The Badenoch proverb has it :
" Thusa, ach sibhse dar bhios sibh air na tigh fhein " (Thou, but
you, when you have a house of your own). The third plural iad
is pronounced aid. Whereas thu fhein agrees with the grammar.
Curious addenda are made to the demonstratives so, sin, sid
-(for sud) in some parts of Badenoch, notably Drumguish. They
take the form of in, ich, eachd ; as, An so-in (here), or more
emphatic — An so-in-ich. With the first form (so-in) we may
compare the Old Irish s6n (illud). We have also An sid-uaich
(yonder) and An sin-eachdainn (there). The ich also appears in
certain common adverbs : fhathast-ich (yet), rithist-ich (again).
The interrogative ciod (in Old Irish cate, literally, what is) is
not heard, save in the bisected form of Gu de (ciod e) or more often
truncated to simply de. The possessive pronouns, which in
Gaelic are really genitives, are treated in the ordinary way except
in the case of our and your (ar n-, bhur n-). The first — ar n — has
practically disappeared, and the second is represented by na. Thus,
" Am beil na h-athair stigh " (Is your father in ?), where na h-
should be at least 'ur n-. The first person possessive plural is done
by a circumlocution ; thus, " Our work " becomes " An obair
againn " — the work to us ! And this is extended to the other
persons, both singular and plural ; so " My book " may be rendered
" An leabhar agam," " The book with me."
The prepositional pronouns, which are crushed forms of the
preposition and pronoun, get still more crushed in Badenoch.
Thus, ag with the pronouns becomes simply a\ as a'am for agam,
a'inn for againn, tkc. The preposition ann changes to um ; hence
armam (in me) is umam, annad is umad, with their plurals ; but
ann (in him) and innte (in her) are right, and annta (in them) is
only changed to unnta. Then gu (to) appears combined in the
stereotyped hugad (to you, that is, get out of the way) ; for
thugam the form is gu mi, gun 'u (thu), gun e. The preposition
mu (about) does not combine ; o or bho never lacks the bh, as
'bhuam, &c.; (note bhoith', from him). The prepositions romh and
92 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
tromh show ro'am and tro'am for the first person and analogous,
forms for the second, but in the third singular masculine the forms
are tre' and re'. In the forms rompa and trompa, the m is elided,
leaving a slight effect on the vowel — rop, trop.
III. CONJUGATION.
In Badenoch the 2nd and 3rd singular and 3rd plural future
take the relative form of the verb before the pronouns : thus,
buailidh mi, buaileas tu, buaileas e (or i), buaileas iad (aid) ; but
buaildh sinn, buailidh sibh, and buailidh bean (cat, duine, each,
£c.) The s of si (she), which has extended to the masculine and
the plural at times — se, siad, has evidently been the originating
cause of this dialectic peculiarity ; just as, in fact, the origin of
the relative form itself is undoubtedly from the pronomenal root
so affixed to the third singular of the verb. Similarly a new verb
has been developed in the form ars' (said), the real verb being ar
simply, by root the same as English swear. Curiously enough the
2nd plural imperative retains the old form, though in the literary
language and in the other dialects it has given way to the force of
analogy. Thus, in the grammars we have eisdibh (hear ye), the
bh of which is taken from sibJi ; but Badenoch maintains the
original eisdidh or eisdith, just as the Dean of Lismore has it in
1512 — eistith. Irish Old and New agrees with Badenoch here ;
so does philology, for the form is the same as the Latin -ite, Greek
ete, and English -et/i (the " harkneth " of Chaucer).
The passive voice is conspicuously absent in Badenoch ; the
idea of it is always expressed by a periphrasis : " He was killed "
becomes " His killing went " — chaidh a mharbhadh. " He will be
struck " becomes " He will be after his striking "— Bitheas e air
a bhualadh, or Theid a bhualadh— " His striking will go." In
regard to the infinitive, of course, in Badenoch the form in -adh
shows no genitive in i, nor should it do so philologically, though
that is according to present grammar. They say " Air son a
bhualadh," though the form " Muilinn bualaidh " (threshing mill)
exists. If the future shows a small vowel at the end of the stem,
that vowel is apt to be kept in the infinitive ; thus we find aisig
for aiseag, coirnhid for coimhead, innis for innseadh, &c., the future
stem being used as an infinitive. We may note the irregular
forms fuilig (fulang, suffering) beside fulachdainn, and geumadaich
for geumnaich. Borrowed infinitives may show their English
The Gaelic Dialect of Badenoch. 93
verbal -ing as -ig ; thus, grudging passes into gruidsig, and so with
several others.
In regard to the irregular verbs, the verb to be has the
interrogative form " Am beil " always. No forms of it in final ar
appear. The verb abair is greatly replaced by can in the
imperative and future tense. Indeed, the infinitive cantainn is
commoner than radh. The infinitive of beir is always beirsinn ;
" he was caught " becomes " chaidh beirsinn air." The past of
dean is rAoinn ; the imperative of faic is coimhid — in fact, this
latter form supplants faic considerably in other moods and tenses,
only, however, in the sense of physically looking on, gazing at,
seeing. The post-particle form of chaidh is deach; thoir and
toirt are the Badenoch forms for " give " and " giving." " Is
toigh learn " — I like — bcomes " Is dail learn."
IV. MINOR PARTS OF SPEECH.
Under this heading we may consider the Adverb, Preposition,
and Conjunction. As in many places, the adverbs suas and sios
(up, down) mean " west " and " east." This is natural in
Badenoch, because the River Spey flows " down " in an eastward
direction. The proper words — iar and ear — are known only as
literary Gaelic ; " north " and " south " are correctly rendered by
tuath and deas (literally, left hand, right hand, the bearings being
taken facing the rising sun, iar meaning " behind " and ear
" before "). The word for " up " is urad, or uthard (air and ard,
high) ; the word for " down " is uireas (air-ios, "on down "). " For-
ward " becomes air a'ad for air adhart, the Middle Irish araird
(forward), which is another compound of ard (high). The word
brath in gu brath is, as elsewhere, pronounced brach. The adverb
for " now " is nuis and not nis ; it is really a compound of fois
(rest), O.Ir. innossa (" the now," as in Scotch), just like a bhos, on
this side.
In regard to the prepositions, some peculiarities occur. Do is
always da ; far (used with the relative only, meaning " upon,"
the old for, Latin, s-uper) is for ; bho is never o ; there is 110 os,
only fos ; troimh and roimh become tre' and re', &c. The syntax
of the prepositions used after verbs of motion has to be noted.
Thus, Chaidh e na bhaile means, " He went to (into) the town ;
the na is for do'n. But " Chaidh e da'n ait " is used, where a
vowel commences the noun. The expression, " He came to the
town," is done by — Thairiig e gu na bhaile ; " to the place " is
94 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" gun an ait," a construction which also holds before dentals and.
/, r, n, s. The preposition gu does not coalesce with the pro-
nouns now ; " to me " is " gu mi," not " hugam."
There is little to remark about the conjunctions. Of course
agus is pronounced aghus, as it has been for the last two centuries,
though written with the hard cj The wor 1 ged (although)
becomes gad.
V. COMPOSITION AND DERIVATION.
Compound words get often " crushed " beyond recognition.
Thus, mcanachair stands for meanbh-chrodh, cais'ard for cais-
bheart (foot-gear), cais'inn for cais-fhionn, &c. Coinnspeach
becomes causpech, comhnard is co'rd, with a nasal 6, and so forth.
Sometimes an additional suffix, inflexional or otherwise, is found.
In Drumguish one may hear " Na fuineaghadh " for " Na
fuineadh." The combination " B' aillidh ?" (literally, What is your
pleasure) is used for " Eh T " What T
VI. SYNTAX.
The decadence of inflections in the case of nouns has been
already remarked upon. As there is no dative case, the pre-
positions may be said to govern the nominative case. The
genitive case is used for possession, and also as an object to the
infinitives of verbs, as in the general dialect ; but any apposition
noun that would naturally be in the genitive is boldly regarded as
a nominative.
VII. VOCABULARY.
Finally, let us consider words and forms more or less peculiar
to Badenoch. The word uisge, as in all the south-eastern High-
lands, means "rain," while burn is the usual word for "water," itself
a word borrowed from the Lowland Scotch. The word for " boy "
is proitseach. Curiously, dialects differ much in the word for
" boy :" we meet with ballach, brogach, ponach, giullan, and gille
in diftetent places over the Highlands. The word bard means a
meadow in Badenoch, though the real meaning of the word is an
enclosure or dyke. It doubtless acquired its peculiar L.eaning
in Badenoch because of the embankments which confine the Spey
fhe Gaelic Dialect of Baden och. 95
as it flows through tbe broad valley of Mid-Badenoch. The word
geilbhean means a fawner, and sgobhachan (pronounced sgowachan)
signifies "pieces." A very peculiar word is ble'ch, signifying
" pretty," doubtless a bye-form of blathach, "blooming." The word
for " alphabet " is aibirsidh, or rather eabarsidh ; this arises from
the old system of letter learning which began by saying A per se
(a by itself is a, &c.)
Some prope~ names of persons present oddities restricted to
the locality. Donchadh is Dunnach ; Domhuall becomes D6'ul,
with nasalised 6 ; E6in is E'ainn ; George is Seors' ; James is
Semus ; Ranald is Raol, the ao having its southern sound. The
name Mary is pronounced like English Miry ; Margaret becomes
Mearud and Meig ; and Christina is Cirtean.
Animal names shewing peculiarities are these : — Mada-
galluidh (wolf) for mada-allaidh ; the bat is dealtag-anmoch ; the
spider is breabair-smogach ; the toad is meal-mh again, for mial-
mhagain ; the mole is ath-thaFainn ; the serpent, as already noted,
is athair-nei' ; the pee-weep is the doireagan. The calls to
animals are interesting. To call a cow to one, the expression is
pruidh-dhe ; the Scotch word is prush. To call a horse the word
is progaidh, which is, undoubtedly, the French approchez, borrowed
through the Scotch. For the cat there are. two calls — stididh and
puisidh. For a pig they say " boitidh ;" for hens, " diugaidh ;"
for sheep, " ciridh."
The following is a list of words either peculiarly used or
unknown to the dictionaries : —
aitidh, thaw, not aiteamh.
. baothailt, a fool,
broilean, snout,
boit, to acquire a taste for.
bodht, soft place,
bruais, crush,
ceafan, a frivolous person.
cadha, a pass ; possibly this is the Jrish caoi, road,
cair, moss in situ.
cuirteir, plaiding.
cluith, play, never cluicA.
diosd, jump,
deighreach, a dirling.
dorc, a piece,
dluigheil, handy. Compare Irish dluigh (service).
96 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
fealan, rush on face or body,
foichean, infant's clout,
great, soap-sud.
gasgag, a stride,
giobull, a chap, fellow,
onagaid, a row, disturbance,
robh'd (roud), a lump, bit.
sgarmaich, a flux of stones on a hill-side,
sgriothail, a lot of small items, such as small potatoes,
sgoch, to notch, hack.
smarach, a lad. Compare Welsh merch, girl,
speadach, kicking. M* Alpine gives the meaning " sheep-
shanked."
stiurag, gruel.
tosg, peat cutter. This is for tof^gian.
teibeid, a taunt, cut. Compare the Old Irish tepe, cutting,
uirsgeal, scattering (dung) : for air-sgaoil.
ulbhach or ul'ach, ashes : allied to Latin pulvis, dust,
uainneart, bustle.
The following borrowed words may be noted as presenting
some peculiarities :—
feirm, farm ; from the Scotch and English farm.
gbileag, a hay-cock ; Scotch cole.
pen, a pen, not peann.
papar, paper, never paipeir, tfec.
piobar, pepper, not peabar.
pronnasdail, brimstone, not pronnasg.
protaig, trick ; Scotch prattick.
tallaid, partition ; Scotch halland.
tr6g, business, busy-ness ; Scotch trock.
Words like sort and sport are pronounced in Gaelic as sort and
sp6rt, never as seorsa, sporsa ; the -rt has the ordinary Scottish
"Gaelic sound, that is, rst, not the sound heard in Arrau and in
Ireland, which is practically the English sound of -rt.
Gaelic Incantations. 97
23rd MARCH, 1892.
At this meeting Mr John T. Grey, Rosehaugh House, Fortrose,
was elected a member of the Society. Thereafter Mr William
Mackenzie, Secretary, Crofters' Commission, read a paper on
"Gaelic Incantations and Charms of the Hebrides." Mr Mac-
kenzie's paper was as follows : —
GAELIC INCANTATIONS, CHARMS, AND BLESSINGS
OF THE HEBRIDES.
At a meeting of this Society on 7th May, 1879, I read a paper
entitled "Leaves from my Celtic Portfolio," concluding with a
number of Gaelic Charms and Incantations I had gathered in
various districts of the Highlands. The paper appears in Vol.
VIII. of our Transactions. Various writers had previously
published specimens of Gaelic Incantations, but so far as I am
aware, our volume contains the first collection of them. Old
writers on Highland superstitions make frequent reference to
Charms; but while they give descriptions of Ceremonies, they
unfortunately pass over the Incantations with contempt. There
can be no doubt that many interesting relics of antiquity have
thus been lost to the folk-lorist. The belief in these matters is
rapidly becoming a thing of the past ; and the Charms and
Incantations are lost as each successive year death carries away
the old people among whom alone they are to be found. While
thus the field where Charms and Incantations may be got is
becoming more and more limited, the collector has further to
contend with these difficulties (first) that those who know them
and believe in their efficacy will not communicate them to anyone
on whom they may look as an unbeliever ; and (second) that many
who know them as matter of tradition are frequently ashamed to
own the fact. It is satisfactory to know, however, that many of
these relics of the past have been rescued, and it is to be hoped
that members of this Society may do what they can to add to our
store of this peculiar kind of folk-lore ere it be too late. Our
friend, Mr Alexander Macbain, published a valuable collection of
fiem in the Highland Monthly during last year (1891). To-night I
propose to resume the subject commenced before this Society in
1879 ; and although it may be necessary to recall here and there
portions of my former paper, and also to refer to, and sometimes
to quote from, the writings of Mr Macbain and others, I will
endeavour to place before you, in the main, Charms and Incanta-
tions which, so far as I am aware, have not hitherto been published.
98 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
From the earliest times we read of wizards and witches,
sorcerers and magicians. The State punished them as persons
dangerous to society, and the burning of witches forms an
interesting if not a very edifying feature of our national history.
In these proceedings the Churches have taken an active part. A
popular proverb has it — " Gheibh baobh, a guidhe ged nach fhaigh
a h-anam trocair " — " A witch will get her wish though her soul
may not get mercy." To banish from the minds of the people
such a belief as this was a task which the Churches seemed to
have pb.ced before themselves. Our .Gaelic-speaking Highlanders
were taught to place no belief in witchcraft and divination,,
and our cousins in Ireland were taught the same lesson. In a
Catholic Catechism I find the following among the things forbidden
by the First Commandment : —
Q. — A bheil a Chiad Aithne 'bacail ui sam bith eile ?
A. — Tha — buidseachd, eolasan, giseagan, innse-fortain, a' toirt
brlgh a bruadar, agus gach comunn de 'n t-seorsa sin ris an
Aibheistear.
Again, in the Catechism by Andrew Donlevy, Director of the Irish
Community at Paris, published in that city in 1742, and still in use
in Ireland, I find the following among the things forbidden by
that commandment : —
Ceisd. — An bhfuil se an aghaidh na hAithene-si Comhairle
d' iarraidh air lucht faisdine, Draoidheachta, no Pise6g, noch do ni
cunnradh ris an Diabhal ?
Freagradh. — A ta gan amhrus ; do bhrigh gur ab o'n Diabhal
gheibhid gach Eolus, da mbi aca.
C. — Creud is Pise6ga aim?
F. — Briathra do radh, no Comharrtha do dheunamh chum
criche, do chum nach bhful brigh na buaidh aca 6 Naduir, 6 Dhia,
na 6 'n Eagluls.
Notwithstanding the influence of the Churches, the belief in
witchcraft is not quite dead, and Charms and Incantations have
survived to the present time. As to the supposed effect of witch-
craft, I will quote a sentence from a leaflet which I picked up in
[nverness last winter. It is headed the "Crofters and Witchcraft."
The writer says he himself was confined in an asylum — a circum-
stance throwing all the light necessary on his lucubrations. His
description of his feelings under what he believed to be the
influence of witchcraft is, however, exceedingly interesting. It is
as follows : —
Gaelic Incantations. 99
"As an example of how this man of sin punishes those who.
differ from him in religion, I may state that I am daily tortured
by his most powerful agent, viz , witchcraft. It takes away the
faculties of my brains ; it makes my body feel as if some one was
sticking hot irons in me, at other times I feel as cold as ice ; it
weakens me to such an extent that I am hardly able to move out
of the position in which I stand ; it gives me such a shock while I
am walking on the public road that I am not able to stand and
speak to any one ; it has got such a hold upon my body and soul
that I find that the most experienced members of the medical
profession are unable to do any good to me."
The popular belief in witchcraft is also well expressed by
Duncan Mackenzie, the Kinlochewe bard, in a song appearing at
page 22 of his book. In this song the nuptials of a young couple
are described. The mother of the bride, according to the bard,
was a witch — her race being noted for " Buidseachd a's Draoidh-
eachd a's Farmud." In the song the old lady is pictured as using
herbs, assuming the form of a hare, and robbing her neighbours'
cattle of their substance, endowing the musicians at the marriage
with the power of playing fairy music; and by means of a Love
Charm winning the affections of the bridegroom for her daughter.
The following two verses will serve as specimens : —
'S i mathair Ceit Uilleim bha lamhach
'N uair chaidh i 'n riochd gearr feadh na duthch' ;
Bha im aic' a thoradh a' Bhraighe
'S bha 'n caise bho mhnaibh Leitir-iugh,
Bha 'm bainne cho tiugh ris a' bharr aic'
(A's muighe dubh Ian ann an cuil)
Ga 'bhleoghan a dubhan na slalhruidh,
'S i 'g aithris nan rann a bh'aig Fionn.
'N uair chuir iad a' charaid a chadal
Bha 'chailleach ga faire gu treang ;
Chuir i uisg'-oir air an casari
A's liath-lus a's aitionn fo'n ceann.
Bha i ga'n sianadh 's ga'n teagasg
An dochas gun gineadh iad cloinn
'S chuir ifathrfith air na balaich,
Cha loisgeadh na dagaichean straoil.
In connection with Charms and Incantations, it has to be
pointed out that while it appears to be impossible to get the
malific Charms, or such as are identified with what is usually
100 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
termed witchcraft,1 there are numerous specimens which are really
of a Christian character, and are intended by the invocation of
the Trinity to defy evil agencies, or effect cures. In these cases
the Charms are forms of prayer — a sort of ritual unauthorised by
the Churches. Although the Churches might have laughed at
them, those who practised them sincerely believed in them. A
discussion on the domain of prayer forms no part of my subject,
but I think the ordinary mind may find it difficult to see wherein
lies the difference between the simple-minded peasant who, with
implicit faith in its efficacy, mutters a prayer with the view of
stopping the toothache or curing a colic, and the modern
ecclesiastic who, by a prayer, hopes to stamp out the influenza.
As illustrating the Christian character of many of our
old Charms, reference may be made to St Patrick's Hymn
1 Since the above was written, my friend, Mr Walter Traill Dennison, West
Brough, Sanday, has favoured me with the formula of old used in Orkney to
acquire witchcraft. Mr Dennison wrote it down nearly 50 years ago from the
recital of an old Orkney woman— the grand-daughter of a noted witch. The
formula to be gone through to obtain witchcraft (or, as Mr Dennison says, in
plain English, a formula for giving one's self bo the Devil) was as follows : —
The person wishing to acquire the witch's knowledge must go to the sea-
shore at midnight, must, as he goes, turn three times against the course of the
sun, must lie down flat on his back with his head to the south, and on ground
between the lines of high and low water. He must grasp a stone in each hand
have a stone at the side of each foot, a stone at his head, a flat stone on his
chest, and another over his heart ; and must lie with arms and legs stretched
out. He will then shut his eyes, and slowly repeat the following
Incantation : —
0, Mester King o' a' that's ill,
Come fill me wi' the warlock skill,
An' I sail serve wi' all me will.
Trow [Satan] tak' me gin I sinno ! [shall not]
Trow tak' me gin I winno ! [will not]
Trow tak' me whin I cinno ! [cannot]
Come tak' me noo, an' tak' me a',
Tak' lights an' liver, pluck an' ga',
Tak' me, tak' me, noo, I say,
Fae de how o' de head tae de tip of de tae ;
Tak' a' dat's oot an' in o' rne,
Tak' hide an' hair an' a' tae thee,
Tak' hert an' harns, flesh, bleud, an' buns, [bones]
Tak' a' atween de seeven stuns [stones]
I' de name o' de muckle black Wallawa !
The person must lie quiet for a little time after repeating the Incantation.
Then opening his eyes, he should turn on his left side, arise and fling the
stones used in the operation into the sea. Each stone must be flung singly ;
and with the throwing of each a certain malediction was said. Mr Dennison's
informant professed to have forgotten the terms of the malediction, but he
rather suspected she considered the imprecations too shocking to repeat.
Gaelic Incantations. 101
— one of the old Irish hymns preserved in the Liber Hymnorum,
a collection made in the 10th or llth century of hymns composed
in former times. The hymn in question is attributed to St Patrick
himself — " Patraicc dorcne innimmunsa " — and we are told that it-
was composed in the time of Loegaire Meic Neill, who persecuted the
Saint and his followers. According to the Four Masters, Loegaire
was killed by the Elements of God — Duile De — in the year 458.
In the hymn we have the Saint binding himself to God, and
invoking heavenly powers for protection against inter alia " Incan-
tations of false prophets" (+ri tinchetla saibfathe), arid against
" Spells of women and smiths and druids>" (fri brichta ban 7 gobantf
7 druad). [For hymn in full, vide " Scottish Celtic Review," p.
49].
Charms and Incantations are known by difterent names, and
although many of them seem to be now regarded as synonymous,
there was doubtless originally a difference of meaning. We have
the Rosad, a malific charm, which rendered its victim powerless.
Thus the hunter who was unlucky in his sport believed that a
witch or other evil disposed person put a Rosad on himself or his
gun. The opposite of Rosad is Sian — the latter being the spell
that protected one from evil agencies and ordinary dangers.
Geas was a form of enchantment — Daoine fo gheasaibh are men
spellbound and enchanted ; and most Inverness men are acquainted
with the popular belief that the Feinne are enchanted, reclining on
their elbows in Craigacho. The word gisreagan or geiseagan, whicli
is commonly employed to signify enchantments, and the belief in
witchcraft, is doubtless from geas. This word occurs in Manx ; and
in Moore's " Folklore of the Isle of Man " we have, on page 89, an
account of Caillagh-ny-Ghueshag, or the " Old woman of the
spells."
Then we have ubag, ubhaidh, obag, or obaidh, meaning a
"charm" or "incantation." In Old Irish the form is upaidh
The word occurs in Manx as obbee, and we may translate fer-
obbee as " a man charmer," and ben-obbee as "a woman charmer."
The Eolas, which really means " knowledge," is probably the
most popular of our charms. The origin of Eolais in the Western
Islands, according to the local traditions, is as follows : —
St Columba had two tenants. One had a family and the other
had not. The rent was the same in each case. The one who had
no family complained to the Saint of the unfairness of his having-
to pay as much rent as the other considering his circumstances.
The Saint told him to steal a shilling's worth from any person, and
to restore it at the end of a year. The man took the advice, and
102 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
stole a small book belonging to St Columba himself, and thereafter
he proceeded to the Outer Hebrides, where he permitted people to
read the book for a certain sum of money. The book was read
with great avidity, as it contained all the " Eolais" composed by
the Saint for the curing of men and cattle. Thus it was that these
"Eolais " came to be so well known in the Western Islands. The
farmer went back to St Columba at the end of a year, having
amassed a considerable fortune, and restored the book. The Saint
immediately burned the book, so that he himself might not on its
account earn a reputation which he thought he did not deserve.
. Finally, we have the orr or orra, ortha, or, as the Irish have it>
ordid. As the English word " charm " is derived from the Latin
carmen, a song : and " incantation" from cano, I sing; so orr may
be derived from oro, I pray. The lrishj>rdid and the Latin oratio
are probably different forms of the same word. In the Western
Islands of Ireland ortha means a hymn. Macalpine in his
Dictionary defines orra as " amulet or enchantment to effect some-
thing wonderful ;" and he gives the following list of examples : —
Orra-ghraidh — An amulet 1 to provoke unlawful love.
Orra-sheamlachais — An amulet to make a cow allow the calf of
another cow to suck her.
Orra-chomais — An amulet to deprive a man of his virility, par-
ticularly on his marriage night, by way of vengeance.
Orra-na-h-aoine — An amulet to drown a foe.
Orra an -donuis— An amulet to send one's foe to the mischief.
Orra-ghrudaire — An amulet to make every drop of the wash to
overflow the wash-tuns ; and
An orra-bhalbh — An amulet to prevent one's agent to make a
defence in a court of justice.
The Charms and Incantations which follow may be divided into
five classes : — First — Those aiming at divination ; Second — Those
which, by means of volition, seek to attain certain ends ; Third —
Protective Charms and Amulets ; Fourth — Those intended for the
cure of men and the lower animals from certain diseases ; and
Fifth — Blessings and miscellaneous Charms.
I will commence with the subject of divination. Under the
general title of Divination, I will take first the Frith.
1 Although " amulet " is the word used, it is obvious that " charm " or
" incantation " is meant.
Gaelic Incantations. 103
FRITH.
So far as I am aware, the Frith is quite unknown on the
mainland. Professor O'Growney, of St Patrick's College, May-
nooth, informs me he never heard of it in Ireland. He, however,
explains that the word/r^A is a verb in Irish, and signifies "to find."
One can therefore easily conceive how it came to he used in the
special sense given it in this charm — " Frith Isu isin Tempull (liter-
ally, Inventus est Jesus in Templo, and signifying the finding of
Jesus in the Temple) — would easily lead the unlettered to take frith
AS a noun. Macalpine appears to be the only Gaelic Lexicographer
who gives us a definition of it in the sense here used. He describes
it as " an Incantation to find whether people at a great distance or
at sea be in life." It is, in short, a species of horoscope, wherein
the position of the objects which meet our eyes takes the place in
the Frith which the position of the heavenly bodies took in the
horoscope of the ancient astrologers.
The Frith is religious in its character, and is attributed to the
Virgin Mary. It is called in Uist, Frith a rinn Moire dha Mac —
41 the Frith that Mary made for her Son." According to Holy
Writ, Joseph and the Virgin Mary went with the child- Jesus,
when he was twelve years old, to the Feast of the Passover in
Jerusalem. When they fulfilled the days of the feast, they
returned, but the child Jesus tarried behind them in Jerusalem,
-and they knew it not. The account of their three days' anxious
search for him is narrated in the Bible, and our Highland poetess,
Sileas na Ceapaich, beautifully describes the whole situation in
Laoidh na Maighdinn : —
Thug iad cliu do Dhia 's an Teampull
'S gu Nasaret air dhaibh bhi tilleadh,
Suil ga'n tug iad air an gualainn
Dh' ionndrainn iad bhuap am Messiah.
'S iadsan a bha duilich, deurach,
'Nuair nach b' urrainn doibh ga sheanchas,
'S tuirseach a bha iad mu dheighinn,
Na tri 14 bha iad ga 'shireadh ;
'N am 'bhi dol seachad an Teampuill
Dh'aithnich iad a chainnt gu beathail,
Eadar na doctoirean a' teagasg,
Bu deas a thigeadh dha labhairt.
This subject, too, forms one of the Fifteen Mysteries of Mary
recognised by the Catholic Church. During the search the Virgin
104 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Mary, we are told, made a Frith which enabled her to discover the
Saviour among the doctors in the Temple, and left it for the benefit
of future generations.
The Frith is not yet an institution of the past in some of the
Outer Islands ; and when the fate of absent ones is causing friends
anxiety, or when it is uncertain whether the illness of men or of the
lower animals may speedily pass away or terminate fatally, a Frith
is made. A Frith may be made at any time ; but the first
Monday of the quarter — a' chiad Di-luain de'n Raithe — is. con-
sidered the most auspicious.
The mode of making the Frith is as follows : —
In the morning the Ave Maria, or Beannachadh Moire, is said
thus —
Beannaichear dhut, a Mho, ire,1
Tha thu Ian dhe na grasan ;
Tha 'n Tighearna maille riut ;
'S beannuichte thu measg nam ban ;
'S beannaichte toradh do bhronn — losa.
A Naomh Mhoire — 'Mhathair Dhe —
Guidh air ar son-ne, na peacaich,
A nis agus aig uair ar bais — Amen.
After repeating the Ave, the person proceeds with closed eyes to the
door. On reaching the maide-buinn, or door-step, he opens his eyes,
and if he sees the Cross (Crois Chriosda), although it were only
made with two straws lying across each other, it is a sign that all
will be well. On getting outside, he proceeds round the house
sunwise (deiseal), repeating the following Incantation : —
Dia romham ;
Moire am dheaghaidh
'S am Mac a thug Righ nan Dul
'S a chairich Brighde na glaic.
Mis' air do shlios, a Dhia,
Is Dia na'na luirg.
Mac Moire, a's Righ nan Dul,
A shoillseachadh gach ni dheth so,
Le a ghras, mu'm choinneamh.
1 This version of the Ave Maria I noted from an old Uist lady. Other
versions commence " Failte dhut, a Mhoire." In Donlevy's Irish Catechism,
previously referred to, it begins " Dia do bheatha a Mhuire." In Munster the
form is — " Go mbeannuighthear duit, a Mhuire."
Gaelic Incantations, 105
Translated —
God before me ;
The Virgin Mary after me ;
And the Son sent by the King of the El ements ;
And whom St Bridget took in her arms.
I am on thy land [side ?], 0 God !
And God on my footsteps ;
May the Son of Mary, King of the Elements,
Reveal the meaning of each of these things
Before me, through His grace.
Another version of the Incantation is as follows : —
Tha mise falbh air srath Chriosd :
Dia romham, Dia am dheighidh,
A's Dia a m' luirg.1
A Fhrith a rinn Moire dha 'Mac,
A sheid Brighde troimh a glaic,
Mar a fhuair ise fios firinneach,
Gun fhios breige,
Mise dh' fhaicinn samhla 's coltas 2
Translated —
I go forth on the track of Christ —
God before me, God behind me,
And God on my footsteps.
The Frith that Mary made for her Son,
Which Bridget blew through her palm ;
And as she got a true response,
Without a false one,
May I behold the likeness and similitude of
A- B .
The Incantation finished, the person looks forth over the
country, and by the auguries or omens which meet the eye he
divines what will be the fate of the man or animal for whom the
Frith is being made — whether the absent one, about whom nothing
is known, is in life, and well ; or whether the sick man or beast
at home will recover from his ailment. Subjoined is a list of
objects, with their significance. This list is compiled from various
sources, but largely from notes placed at my disposal by Father
1 We have similar expressions in St Patrick's Hymn, already referred to —
" Crist lim Crist rium Crist imdegaid "
(Christ with me, Christ before me, Christ after me).
2 Here the name of the missing person was said.
106 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Allan Macdonald, Dalibrog, South Uist, a gentleman to whom I am
indebted for much information in connection with this paper : —
A man coming towards you.. An excellent sign.
A cock looking towards you. Also an excellent sign.
A man standing Sign of a sick man recovering and
casting off illness.
A man lying down Sickness ; continued illness.
A beast lying down Ominous — sickness ; continued ill-
ness ; death.
A beast rising up Sign of a man recovering and
throwing off illness.
A bird on the wing A good sign.
A bird on the wing coming
to you Sign of aWetter coming.
A woman seen standing A bad sign — such as death, or some
untoward event — (Am bas, no ni
rosadach air chor-eigin).1
A woman seen passing or
returning Not so bad.
A woman with red hair Not lucky.2
A woman with fair hair (fait
ban) Not lucky.
A woman with black hair
(fait dubh) Lucky.
A woman with brown hair
(fait donn) Luckiest.
Fowls without a cock in their
midst Not a good sign.
Stonechat ( Clachran) Untoward (rosadach) —
Chunnaic mi 'n t-seilcheag an talamh toll,
Chunnaic mi 'n clachran air lie luim,
Chunnaic mi 'n searrach 's a chul rium,
1 Bu choir do dhuine e-fein a choisrigeadh nam faiceadh e boirionnach an
Sun abhi 'deanarnh na Frithe — (A man should cross himself should he see a
woman when making the Frith).
2 Red hair does not appear to have been favoured by the Celts. An old
song says —
Cha ghabh mi 'n te fhrionasaich, chonasach, ruadh,
A chumas an Bonus na mhollachdainn suas.
Again, Lady Wilde, writing of Irish superstitions, says — " It is unlucky to meet
a red-haired man or woman the first thing in the morning ; but a freckled
red-haired woman is particularly dangerous. Should she be in your path on
first going out, turn back at once, for danger is in the way. Some say that
Judas Iscariot had red hair, hence the tradition of its evil augury."
Gaelic Incantations. 107
Dh' fhaithnich mi nach reachadh a' bhliadhna learn —
Chaill mi bean-an tighe 's a' chlann. l
A lark8 A good sign.
A dove A good sign.
A crow or raven 3 . . ., A bad sign ; death.
A sparrow (glaiseun) Not lucky — but blessed. (It fore-
tells the death of a child).
A wild duck (Lack) A good sign.
Ducks (Tunnagan) 4 Good. (For sailors especially —
meaning safety from drowning).
A dog Good luck.
A cat Good for Mackintoshes only. To
others it is considered rosadach,
or untoward. The cat is re-
garded as evil, as shown by the
fact that witches are believed to
assume this form.
A pig Good for Campbells. For others
indifferent when facing you ; bad
with its back towards you.
A calf, or lamb Lucky with its face to you ; good
with side.
A horse Lucky.
A brown horse Is the best.
A chestnut or red horse A bad sign ; death.
1 Another version runs —
Chunnaic mi seilcheag air lie luim
Chunnaic mi searrach 's a chulthaobh rium,
Chuala mi 'chuthag 's gun bhiadh am bhroinn,
Dh' aithnich mi nach cinneadh a' bhliadhna learn.
2 The lark was considered sacred, and to it the endearing term of Uiseay
Mhoire (the lark of the Virgin Mary) was frequently applied. In Orkney the
term " Wir Lady's hen" was applied of old to the lark. In Ireland the red
breast is associated with the Virgin, its Irish name being Spideog-Mhuire.
3 The raven is always regarded as ominoup. In the Saga of " Howard the
Halt," for instance, it is referred to as " hawk of slaughter" and " blood fowl."
In Ireland, ar. Lady Wilde tells us, " when a raven is seen hovering round a
cottage, evil is near, and a death may follow, or some great disaster ; therefore,
to turn away ill-luck, say at once : ' May fire and water be on you, 0 bird of
evil, and may the curse of God be on your head for ever and ever.' "
4 Ducks are considered blessed. Tradition informs us that on a certain
occasion Jesus had to take refuge, and that he was concealed under straw.
Hens scraped the straw away, thus exposing him, but the ducks pushed it back
again. The duck has since been considered blessed.
108 Gaelic Society of /nuerness.
As to the colours of horses generally, we have the following : —
Each donn Fearann. I Brown horse Land.
Each glas Fairge. I Grey horse The ocean.
Each ruadh Reilig.
Eachdubh... . Mulad.
Chestnut horse.. The churchyard.
Black horse Sorrow.
I now proceed to deal with the class intended to accomplish
certain ends by the exercise of the will, and commence with
LOVE CHARMS.
In the list of amulets given from Macalpine, we have the-
Orra-ghraidk, or Love Charm. The Highlanders of old, like the
ancient Greeks, seem to have believed in the efficacy of charms and
philtres, in order, as Erastus has it, to force men and women to
love and hate whom they will. " Sa"ga3 omnes sibi arrogant
notitiam, et facultatem in amorem alliciendi quos velint ; odia
inter conjuges serendi." We have the idea of the Love Charm in
Duncan Ban Macintyre's Rainn a ghabhas maighdean d'a leannan
(Verses which a maiden will say to her sweetheart), but as the
ceremony prescribed may, on the whole, be regarded as impossible,
it is clear that the poet himself did not believe in the efficacy of
such Incantations. That the idea has, however, survived to recent
times is undoubted, and a good instance of it is given by the Ken-
lochewe bard in the poem already referred to. Describing how the
bridegroom was " charmed " by the young woman's mother, he
.says : —
'S beag a bha dhuil aige 'posadh
An la chaidh Seonaid 'na chainnt —
Rug i da uair air a chr6gan
A's chuir i na h-orrachann annt ;
Thionndaidh a chridhe le solas :
Chaidh dalladh a's sgle6 air 's an am,
'S cha 'n fhaiceadh e aon te cho bbidheach
Ri Ceit ged a sheoladh e 'n Fhraing.
In the Highlands, a herb called gradh a'sfuatk (love and hate)
was believed, when properly applied, to provoke love or hate,,
according to the wish of the person using the Charm. For the-
following Incantation to excite love, I am indebted to Mr Macbain: —
Suil bhlath Chriosd air Peadar,
Suil chaomh na h-Oighe air Eoin ;
Gu'n leanadh, gu'n leonadh, gu'n lotadh,
Gu'n iadhadh gu teann seachd altanach,
Gaelic Incantations. 109
Le seachd snaim cruaidh-shnaim
Mu chridhe na h-Eala
'Rinn mise 'lot 's a leon
Gus an coinnich lot ri lot,
Leon ri leon, 's a cridhe 'breabadh le aoibhneas
Ri faicinn gnuis a ruin :
An ainm an Athar, &c.
Translated —
The soft eye of Christ upon Peter,
The mild eye of the Virgin on John ;
To follow, to wound, and to pierce ;
May seven moss grasses with seven hard knots
Wind round the heart of the Swan
That caused my wound and piercing,
Until wound meets wound and gash to gash,
And her heart jumps with joy
At seeing the face of her love :
In the name of the Father, &c.
A herb — evidently the altanach, a kind of mountain or moss grass
— was manipulated during the saying of the above.
Our Irish cousins also have their Love Charms, or, as they call
them, Ortha na Seirce. To Professor O'Growney, of Maynooth, I
am indebted for the following, received by him from Mr O'Faherty,
of the west of Connaught : —
Ortha a chuir Muire in im,
Ortha seirce 's sior-ghradh ;
Nar stadaidh do cholann, acht d' aire bheith orm
Go leanfaidh do ghradh mo ghnaoi
Mar leanas an bh6 an laogh
O'n la so amach go h-uair mo bhais.
Translated—
A charm Mary (B. Virgin) put in butter,
A charm of affection and lasting love ;
May thy body not rest, but may'st thou be
uneasy about me
Until thy love follows my countenance
As the cow follows the calf.
From to-day till death's hour.
As a companion-picture, the following Love Charm from Eng-
land may be appropriately given. The love-sick maiden was one
Susan Lebway ; and the precious document containing the charm
110 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
was found some 30 years ago. The paper on which the formula
was written also contains figures of the sun and moon and other
heavenly bodies, and the magic square. Along with it were par-
ings of the finger and toe nails and a tiny piece of linen, believed
to be a portion of Susan's undergarment. The whole was neatly
folded up, and was wrapped in three folds of linen and stitched
under a covering of silk. This curious collection was worn in the
left armpit. The formula was as follows : —
" Susan Lebway to draw the affections of Theobald Young to
herself, so that he shall never have any rest or peace until he da
return unto her, and make her his lawful wife. Let the spirits of
the planeta continually torment him until he do fulfil this, my
request ; Cossiel Lachiel Samuel Michail Araiel Rhaphail Gabriel,
I continually stir up his mind thereto. Fiat fiat fiat cito cito cito.
Amen." — Reliquary, vol. x. +
That the Philtre or Love Potion was in use among the ancient
Celts there can be no doubt. In support of this statement, I quote
the following paragraph from the Irish Life of St Bridget in the
" Book of Lismore," edited by Mr Whitley Stokes : —
"There was a certain man biding in Lassair's Church, and his wife
was leaving him, and would not take bit nor sleep along with him.
So he came to Bridget to ask for a Spell to make his wife love him.
Bridget blessed water for him and said, ' Put that water over the
house, and over the food, and over the drink of yourselves, and
over the bed in the wife's absence.' When he had done thus the
wife gave exceeding great love to him, so that she could not keep
apart from him, even on one side of the house, but she was always
at one of his hands. He went one day on a journey, and left the
wife asleep. When the woman awoke she rose up lightly, and
went after the husband, and saw him afar from her, with an
arm ot the sea between them. She cried out to her husband, and
said that she would go into the sea unless he came to her."
In connection with the Love Charm and Philtre, a few sentences
may be devoted to Eolas a' Chomuis already mentioned. I have
been unable to obtain this Eolas ; but it may be stated that it is
referred to in Pennant's Tour in Scotland in 1772 (Vol. II., p. 265),.
where the unsuccessful lover is represented as revenging himself on
his rival by charms potent as those of the shepherd Alphesibseus
mentioned by Virgil. " Donald," we are told, " takes three
threads of different lines, and ties three knots on each, three times
imprecating the most cruel disappointments on the nuptial bed ;
Gaelic Incantations. Ill
but the bridegroom, to avert the harm, stands at the altar with an
untied shoe, and puts a sixpence beneath his foot."
Stories illustrative of Eolas a' Chomuis are numerous through-
out the Highlands. Our Irish cousins have stories on this point
akin to our own. The belief in this malific Charm still exists.
Those who profess to know something about it say that in antici-
pation of a marriage where it is intended to have recourse to it,
three running knots are prepared. The party carrying oat the
Charm attends the marriage service, and listens intently until the
priest says the passage in the ritual commencing " Ego te
conjungo," &c. Instantly these words are uttered by the priest,
the " charmer " pulls both ends of the cord and makes the knot
fast. The unlucky bridegroom never regains his virility until the
treble knot is unloosed !
A somewhat curious parallel to our Highland and Irish stories
is told in the part of the Apocryphal New Testament called the
" First Gospel of the Infancy of Jesus." I cannot do better than
quote the opening verses of Chapter VII. : —
" They " (i.e., the Virgin Mary and Jesus) " came afterwards
to another city, and had a mind to lodge there.
" Accordingly they went to a man's house, who was newly
married, but by the influence of sorcerers could not enjoy his wife.
" But they lodging at his house that night, the man was freed
of his disorder."
I will now give you
EOLAS A' CHEARTUIS — OR CHARM TO OBTAIN JUSTICE.
This Charm or Incantation was said when a Highlander went
to a Court of Justice. A Gaelic proverb says, " Is cam 's is direach
an lagh" — crooked and straight is the law — implying great
uncertainty. In going to law, the litigant presumably believed in
the equity of his cause, but being uncertain as to the result, he
appealed to the Higher Powers. In the Incantation here given,
we have the picture of a man starting from his house to measure
swords before a judge with a neighbour — the occupant of the Baile
ud thall, or " Yonder Town." On leaving his house the litigant
says —
Falbhaidh mise 'n ainm Dhia [Dhe]
An rioehd iaruinn 's an riochd each [eich],
An riochd nathrach 's an riochd feidh ;
'S treise rm-fhein na gach neach.
'S dubh dha 'n bhail' ud thall,
'S dubh dha 'n bheil ua bhroinn : —
112 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
An teanga fo m' bhonn
Gus an till mi 'nail
Mise 'n eala bhan
'Nam bhan-righinn os an cionn.
lonnlaididh mi m' aodann,
Mar naoi gathannan greine,
Mar dh'ionnlaideas Moire a Mac
Le bainne bruich.1
Meirc air mo bhial —
Seirc na m' aodann ;
Bas Mhoire mu m' amhuich,
Bas Chriosda mu m' aodainn,
Teanga Mathair los' a' m' cheann ;
Suil a Chui mirich2 eatorra,
'S bias meala air gach aon nt*
Their mi gu'n tig mi.
Translated—
I go forth in the name of God ;
In the likeness of iron ; in the likeness of the horse ;
In the likeness of the serpent ; in the likeness of the
deer;
Stronger am I than each one [or " than any one else"].
Black to yonder town ;
And black to those who res'de therein ;
[May] Their tongues be under my soles [or feet]
Till I again return.
May I be the white swan,
As a queen above them.
I will wash my face
That it may shine like the nine rays of the sun,
As the Virgin Mary washes her Son with boiled milk.
May restraint be on my tongue,
Love on my countenance ;
The palm for arm] of Mary round my neck,
The palm for hand] of Christ on my face,
The tongue of the Mother of Jesus in my mouth,
The eye of the Protector between them ;
And may the taste of honey be of every word
I utter till I return.
1 According to the Lives of the Saints in the Book of Lismore, S t Bridget
H.S an infant was bathed in milk.
2 Cuimreach, s.M. = Assistant (O'Reilly). Cuimriche (often used)=
Comairce, protection.
Gaelic Incantations. 113
Here we have a wonderful combination of agencies with the view
of attaining a successful end — iron, symbolic of hardness and
endurance ; the horse, of strength ; the serpent, of cunning ; and
the deer, of swiftness. Then we have the incantator presented to
us pure and queenly as the white swan, with loving countenance,
with tongue under restraint but uttering honeyed words. He is
under i he guardianship of the Virgin and her Son.
On reaching the Court, our litigant, with his right foot on the
threshold, repeats the following words : —
Gu'm beannaicheadh Dia an tigh
Bho 'bhun gu 'bhragh [fhraigh] ;
M' fhacal-sa os cionn na bhios a stigh,
'S am facail-se fo m' throidh.
Translated —
May God bless this house
From its floor to its ceiling ;
May my word be above all those within,
And their words under my foot.
In a paper on " Druidism," by Mr Macbain in the Celtic
Magazine ( Vide Vol. VIIL, p. 570], we have a reference to the
serpent's egg, and to Pliny's account of it. "A Roman knight
was making use of it in Court to gain an unfair verdict, and for
this was put to death by Claudius the Emperor." Our old High-
lander in fiolas a" Cheartuis or Incantation to obtain justice stood
somewhat differently from the Roman knight who used the serpent's
egg. The parallel is, however, an interesting one.
I will now give you Eolas na Daire, a Charm supposed to be
efficacious in the case of farrow cows. It does not need much
introduction, as it speaks for itself. It is as follows : —
EOLAS NA DAIRB.
Eolas na daire 'rinn Moire 's a Mac.
'S thubhairt Criosda fhein gu'm bu ro-cheart,
Air a' Chiad Luan
'Chur a chruidh gu luath a dhair,
Gun fharlaogh J 'n a dheigh
Ach laoigh bhreaca bhoirionn uile gu leir.
1 The word " Far-laogh " is not generally known on the mainland. It
signifies extra-uterine conception — a freak of nature which is fortunately
uncommon.
8
114 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Translated—
The Charm for the rutting made by Mary and her Son.
Jesus himself said it \vas right
On the first Monday [at the beginning of the moon ?]
To send the cattle quickly to the bull ;
And that no extra-uterine conception should follow,
But spotted female calves.
In some districts, instead of the above, the people say Duan an
Domhnuick, or the Ode of the Dies Dominica. That Ode is as
follows : —
DUAN AN DOMHNUICH.
Duan an Domhnuich, a Dhia ghil,1
Firinn a's neart Criosda g'ar^'comhnadh.
Di-domhnuich rugadh Moire
Mathair Dhe an or-fhuilt bhuidhe,
Di-domhnuich rugadh Criosda
Mar onoir dhuinne,
Di-domhnuich an seachdamh latha
A dh' orduich Criosda dha-fhein,
Gu cumail na beatha-'mhairionnaich,
'S gu'n leigeadh iad uile 'n anail.
Gun fheum a thoirt bho dhamh no dhuine
No neach a dh' orduich Moire,
Gun sniomh snath sioda no sr61,
Gun fhuaigheal na's m6 ;
Gun chartadh tighe, gun bhuain,
Gun athadh, gun mhuilionn,
Gun iomradh airm, gun iasgaireachd,
Gun a dhol a mach dha 'n t-seilg
No shnaigheadh dheilgnean Di-domhnuich.
Ge b' e chum ad h an Dornhnach
Bu chomhnard dha-san, 's bu bhuan,
Bho dhol fodha na greine Di-sathuirn
Gus an eireadh i Di-luain. 2
Gheibheadh e fiach dha chionn
i
1 The expression "a Dhia ghil" is unusual in the Highlands. I find it in
the Irish song " The Star of Kilkenny," by Egan O' RahilJy : —
Ar Phearla 6g mnd, uaisle (a Dhia ghil tabhair buadh dhi)
An chraobh chubhra is uaisle a g-Cill-Chainnich.
2 In Shetland the period from sunset on Saturday till sunrise on Monday is
known as the Hellie or Helzie, i.e., the holy time.
Gaelic Incantations. 115
'S bhiodh toradh an deigh nan crann,
lasg air amhuinn fior-ghlan saile,
Uisg' an Domhnuich blath mar mhil ;
Ge b' e dh' oladh e mar dhibh
Gbeibheadh e slainte gun cbron
As gach galar a bhiodh air.
Gal an Domhnuich gun robh luath,
Bean ga pianadh ri an-uair,
Guileamaid moch Di-luain,
'S na guileamaid idir Di-domhnuich.
Fiadh an Domhnuich gun robh luath,
Anns an linge mar a's truagh
Ged thuiteadh an ruadh cheann deth
Biodh e gu Di-luain 'na chadal.
Aig trath-nona Di-luain
Eiridh am fiadh gu ro-luath.
'S airson an dile muigh
Greis a thoirt a sgeula mu chumraidh x
Gun eisdeachd ri gleadhraich nan Gall
No ri sgeilearachd coitchionnach.
Ach gart a ghleidheadh air cnoc ard,
'S lighich 'thoirt gu galar garg,
/* bo a thoirt gu tarb/i treun
Fada no fagus gu'n robh cheum,
'S eathar a leigeadh fo breid-siuil
Gu tir a duthcha bho h-aineol.
'S ge b' e mheomhraicheadh mo dhuan,
'S a ghabhadh i gach oidhch' dha shluagh,
Bhiodh rath Mhicheil air a cheann
'S a chaoidh cha 'n fhaiceadh e Ifrinn.
In this ode we have a rule of conduct as regards the Sabbath —
general directions as to what we are not to do, and a list of what
may be called " works of necessity and mercy " — and among these
there is the permission to bring a cow to a bull (tarbh treun), no
matter how far the distance.2
1 Eedemption (or perhaps comairce= protection).
2 The " Yellow Book of Lecan" contains Rules regarding Sunday Observ-
ances (Cain Domnaig), which bear a strong resemblance to the above. " The
Cain Domnaig enjoins, under severe penalties, that every class shall abstain
from all kinds of work on Sunday, and that none shall travel on that day ;
but wherever one happens to be on Saturday evening, there he should remain
till Monday morning. To this there were some exceptions, such as bringing a
physician to a sick person, relieving a woman in labour, saving a house from
tire, &c." (See Irish MS. Series Vol. I., Part I., page 196).
116 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
An old man in the parish of Ardnamurchan, who professes to
know much about cattle, informs me that he learned a different
method from a north country Aireach, who was known as
" Murchadh nan Gobhar." He does not believe in orrachan, or
Incantations. I describe his alleged method in his own words,
and without any comment of mine : — t4 Na'm bitheadh beathach
6g agam," he said, " nach bitheadh a' gabhail an tairbh, so mar a
chuirinn a dhair i, ach cha bu toigh learn neach eile 'bhi coimhead
orm : — A' chiad bh6 a chithinn a' dol a dhair, sheasainn ri 'taobh
agus cho luath 's a sguireadh an tarbh dhi bhleoghnainn i, a's
bheirinn am bainne — blath as a h-ugh — do 'n bheathach 6g.
Chuirinn an sin an cu ris a' bheathach 6g, 's an ceann la no dha
bhiodh i dhair agam. Is iomadh uair a rinn mi e !"
The foregoing may appropriately be followed by an Incantation
which was said when a cow calved—
RANN AN UAIR A BHEIREAS MART LAOGH.
The ceremony was after this fashion : — The dairymaid sat
beside the cow, and blowing her breath through her hands tDwards
the cow repeated this Incantation three times : —
" Mart a sid air breith," arsa Peadar.
" Tha mi 'faicinn gu'm beil," arsa Pal.
" Mar a thuiteas an duilleach o'n chraoibh
Gu'n tuiteadh a sile gu lar."
Translated —
" A cow newly calved," said St Peter.
" I observe that," said St Paul.
Both — "As the leaves fall from the tree
May her milk freely flow."
I will now pass from Incantations taken by themselves to the
class of Charms where the aid of Amulets was called in, and
commence with the
AIRNE MOIRE, OR VIRGIN MARY NUT.
This nut has been for centuries prized in the Hebrides as an
amulet of great value. Martin, in his " Western Islands," men-
tions several of the virtues it was believed to possess. He calls it
a "Molluka Bean." Pennant also refers to it as a native of
Jamaica, carried by the rivers to the ocean, and thereafter by
winds and the Gulf Stream to the Outer Hebrides. According to
Patrick Neill, this nut, which is washed ashore in Orkney, is the
seed from the pod of the Dolichos Urens of Linnaeus. (See Tour in
Orkney in 1806, p. 60).
Gaelic Incantations. 117
The name "Airne Moire" I translate as " The Virgin Mary
Nut." In modern Gaelic we have airneag, "the sloe." The
word also occurs in old and modern Irish, and Mr Whitley
Stokes translates ami cumrae, in the life of St Bridget, in the
Book of Lismore, as "sweet sloes."1
These nuts are of various colours, but the one most prized has
the cross indented on its sides. In Wallace's " Orkney" (1693)
we have drawings of four varieties of " Molocco Beans" — one of
them having the indented cross. I have in my possession one of
these nuts from the Hebrides mounted with a silver cross. It
was duly blessed by a cleric — Pears1 JKaglais — and was believed to
be possessed of great virtues. It used to be worn about the neck,
just as the scapular is worn at the present time ; and every one
who thus carried it was believed to be under the special protection
of the Virgin Mary. She guarded him from evil courses, led him
on the right path, and saved him from various calamities, such,
for instance, as a sudden death — Bas obann.2
While it was believed to afford general protection as above
described, it was specially useful in the case of women in travail ;
and the belief in its efficacy is not yet a matter of the past.
There is a tradition in Uist that on one occasion the Virgin Mary
and Jesus were travelling on a stormy night. They came to a
strange house for shelter. The goodwife of the house was kind
and gentle, but the husband was churlish. The wife gave them
quarters, much against the husband's wishes. During the night
the wife was seized with the pains of labour. Her case seemed to
be a critical one, and the assistance of the guests was asked for.
Jesus, observing that the woman was in great danger, said —
Seall, a Mhoire, a' bhean
'S i air f6d a' bhais.
Translated—
Mary, behold the woman
In the throes of death.
1 Batir imda ubla 7 arni cumrae isin cill hisin. (Abundant apples and
sweet sloes were in that church).
2 The above is an account of the virtues of the Airne Moire as told me by
an Uist crofter. In St Patrick's Hymn, already referred to, we have a similar
idea. The hymn, we are told in the prefatory note, is a " Corslet of faith for
the protection of body and soul against demons, and men, and vices. Every
one who shall sing it every day, with pious meditation on God, demons shall
not stand before his face : it will be a defence to him against every poison and
envy : it will be a safeguard to him against sudden death : it will be a corslet
to his soul after his death."
118 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The Virgin replied — Seall fhein oirre, a Mhic,
'S aim orra [air do] chomus a tha.
Translated — Son, succour her Thyself,
For Thou hast the power.
Whereupon Jesus told the woman in travail to make the sign of
the cross three times, and
A' choinneal a lasadh,
An leanabh a bhaisteadh,
'S a' bhean a bhi slan.
Translated— To light the candle,
To baptise the child,
And that she [the wife] might recover.
The foregoing is the story as told in Uist ; and the birth
ceremony as now practised is as foUows : — The woman in travail
takes the Airne Moire in her right hand, and repeats the Ave
Maria three times. Thereafter the midwife, or other woman in
attendance, takes the amulet, and with it makes the sign of the
cross on the sick woman (air taobh cearr broinn a' bhoirionnaich
fo 'n imleig),1 at the same time repeating the dialogue above given,
or the following version of it : —
" Faic a' bhean, a Mhoire,
'Si aig f6d a bhais."
" Seall fhein i a Mhic,
'S ami agad a tha" ['n cumhachd].
" Cuiribh an gin air an lar,
'S fagaibh slan a' bhean." 2
1 In connection with this ceremony, reference may be made to one of the
miracles attributed to S. Ciaran of Saighir. Dioma, Chief of Hy Fiachrach,
abducted the beauteous and holy maiden, Bruiuneach, from a cell near the
monastery, and made her his wife. The Saint applied to Dioma for the
restoration of Bruinneach, and bis request was in the end complied with. She
was pregnant — a circumstance that greatly displeased Ciaran. Thereupon he
made the sign of the holy cross on her body, and her burden vanished ! The
words in the original are: — " Ba thorrach an tan sin i agus nir mhaith le
Ciaran e\ Do chuir fioghair na croiche cesta ar medhon na hingine agus do
chuaid an toirrches ar nemhni." (Vide Silva Gadelica, Vol. I., p. 5).
2 Since the above was in type, Prof. O'Growney has sent me, from South-
West Cork, a Rann to be said for a woman in child-bed. Some of the phrases
are the same as those in my Uist version. It is as follows : —
Crios Mhuire an crios, The girdle of Mary is the girdle,
Crios na d-trf gcros, The girdle of the three croases,
Crios gur geineadh Criost ann The girdle in which Christ was conceived,
A's go rugadh Criost as. And out of which Christ was born.
Tar, a Mhuire, a's foir an bhean ; Come, Mary, and relieve the woman ;
F6ir fe"in i, 'Mhic, <5's agat a tha, Do Thou relieve her, O Son, since with Thee it is
[i.e., the power],
Go mbeireadh an baisde air an ngein So that baptism may overtake the child,
A's go d-tigidh an bhean slan. And the woman may recover.
Gaelic Incantations. 119
Translated—
Jesus — " Mary, behold the woman
In the throes of death."
Mary — " Succour Thou her, 0 Son,
For Thou hast the power."
Jesus — " May the child be born,
And the woman again be well."
Lady Wilde, in her "Ancient Cures of Ireland," tells us that
if an Irish woman is in great danger of death during her confine-
ment, and is not wearing the scapular, she must be invested at
once ; and the midwife always carries one with her, ready for the
purpose (page 71). It would thus appear that the scapular serves
much the same purpose in Ireland that the Airne Moire does in
Uist.
An Incantation somewhat similar to the one above given is
used in the West of Ireland. It is entitled " Ortha Mhuire," or a
prayer to the Virgin Mary, " a deirtear do mhnaibh in a luighe
seoil." I am indebted to Professor O'Growney, who received it
from Mr O'Faherty, for the following version, of it : —
Dis a casadh orm, Cabhair agus Criost,
Mar rug Anna Muire, a's mar rug Muire Criost,
Mar rug Eilis Eoin Baisde gan dith coise 116 laimh',
Foir air an bhean, a Mhic ! F6ir feiii i, a Mhathair.
0 is tu rug an Mac, tabhair an ghein o'n g-cnaimh •
Agus go m-budh slan a bheidheas an bhean.
Translated —
Two persons I .met — Help and Christ :
As Anna was delivered of Mary, and Mary of Christ ;
As Elizabeth was delivered of John the Baptist, wanting
neither foot nor hand ;
Relieve the woman, 0 Son ! Relieve her, 0 Mother !
As it was you who brought forth the Son, take the offspring
from the bone [womb] ;
And may the woman be well.
In connection with the matter of appeals in childbirth to the
Virgin Mary, it is interesting to refer to the case of Roderick
Macleod, the St Kilda impostor, described by Martin, Buchan, and
others. This man, we are told, taught the women of St Kilda a
devout hymn, which he called the Virgin Mary's. It was never
delivered in public, but always in a private house or some remote
120 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
place, where no eye could see but that of Heaven ; and he per-
suaded the innocent women that it was of such merit and efficacy
that any one able to repeat it by heart would not die in child-
bearing. By means of this hymn the impostor debauched many
of the women ! He was paid a sheep by every wife who learned
it, A copy of this hymn would be interesting. Will any member
furnish it ?
Appeals to the Virgin Mary by women in child-bed appear to
have been universal in Christian countries ; and we have an inter-
esting instance of it in "The Lives of the Saints from the Book of Lis-
more." In " Sgel an da leanabh," given in the introduction, we have
the story of two children — one a Jew and the other a Christian — who
lived in France. The Christian child induced the Jewish child to
go to the temple, and there partake of consecrated bread. The
Jewish child afterwards informed his parents what had happened.
They were wroth at him, and flung him into the flames [teined ar
derglasad] to burn and die. He was left there till burned to
ashes. On the morrow his parents found him as if in sleep. In
response to their enquiries, the child replied that he was saved by
the Virgin Mary [" mathair an aird-rig " — the mother of the high
king], and that he was to be a fosterling of hers thenceforward.
The parents of the child became Christian. " Ocus is mor in
mhirbuil do Mhuire, co nach fetaun bean iudaidi tuismhedh a
leinimh intan bis co n-idhnuibh no gu n-aitcheann Muire" — (And
[so] great is this miracle of Mary's, that no Jewish woman, when
she is in birth pangs, can bring forth her child until she entreats.
Mary).1
In Skye the mid wives of former times used a certain herb for
the same purpose as the Uist women use the Airne Moire. An old
Sgiathanach recently informed me that his mother, who was a
midwife, invariably used the herb when professionally employed.
When in attendance on a woman in childbed she went sun-wise
round the patient, carrying the herb, and repeating certain words.
She was most successful as a sick-nurse. " No woman ever died
1 In connection with this subject, reference may be made to a strange
belief that prevailed in the Highlands till recent times. Pennant mentions it
in his Tour in Scotland in 1772, and I cannot do better than quote his words.
After referring to the burning of witches near Langholm, he proceeds : —
" This reminds me of a very singular belief that prevailed not many years ago-
in these parts : nothing less than that the midwives had power of transferring
part of the primaeval curse bestowed on our great first mother from the good-
wife to her husband. I saw the reputed offspring of such a labour, who
kindly came into the world without giving her mother the least uneasiness,
while the poor husband was roaring with agony in his uncouth and unnatura
pains.— Vide Vol. II., p. 91.
Gaelic Incantations. 121
in her hands," said my informant, " I have heard of cases where
the child was dead for four or five weeks, but my mother," said
he, " always delivered the woman in safety." She was equally
successful in the case of animals. He could not tell me the name
of the herb. Perhaps some member of the Society can throw
further light on the subject.
In connection with the Airne Moire as an amulet, I will read a
few lines with regard to St Bridget, from which we see that the
" Mary of the Gael" was also regarded as a great protectress. The
title is " Sloinneadh Brighde, muime Chriosd" — " The Genealogy
of St Bridget, foster-mother of Christ." The lines, which I
received from Father Allan Macdonald, are as follows : —
Brighdhe nighean Dughaill Duinn,
'Ic Aoidh, 'ic Arta, 'ic Cuinn.
Gach la is gach oidhche
Ni mi cuimhneachadh air sloinneadh Brighde.
Cha mharbhar mi,
Cha ghuinear mi,
Cha ghonar mi,
Cha mho dh' fhagas Criosd an dearmad mi ;
Cha loisg teine gniomh Shatain mi ;
'S cha bhath uisge no saile mi ;
'S mi fo chomraig Naoimh Moire
'S mo chaomh mhuime, Brighde,
Translated —
St Bridget, the daughter of Dughall Donn,
Son of Hugh, son of Art, son of Conn.
Each day and each night
I will meditate on the genealogy of St Bridget.
[Whereby] I will not be killed,
I will not be wounded,
I will not be bewitched ;
Neither will Christ forsake me ;
Satan's fire will not burn me ;
Neither water nor sea shall drown me ;
For I am under the protection of the Virgin Mary,
And my meek and gentle foster-mother, St Bridget.
Some of the phrases in the foregoing have a singular resemblance
to certain lines of St Patrick's Hymn, previously mentioned. In
the Irish hymn we have the following : —
Crist dommimdegail indiu arneim
Arloscud arbadud arguin.
122 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Translated —
Christ to protect me to-day against poison,
Against burning, against drowning, against wound.
The Airne Moire in Martin's time (circa 1695) was worn round
children's necks as an amulet against witchcraft, &c. The white
one, he tells us, was particularly prized. I show you a specimen
of the white nut. It is not so common as the brown one. Martin
says that if evil was intended the nut turned black. That these
nuts did change colour, he says> he found true by his own observa-
tion, but he could not be positive as to the cause. He then goes
on : —
"Malcolm Campbell, steward of Harris, told me that some
weeks before my arrival there, all his cows gave blood instead of
milk, for several days together. One *>f the neighbours told his
wife that this must be witchcraft, and it would be easy to remove
it, if she would but take the white nut, called the Virgin Mary's
Nut, and lay it in the pail into which she was to milk the cows.
This advice she presently followed ; and, having milked one cow
into the pail with the nut in it, the milk was all blood, and the
nut charged its colour into dark brown. She ur:ed the nut again,
and all the cows gave pure good milk, which they ascribe to the
virtue of the nut. This very nut Mr Campbell presented me with,
and I still keep it by me." (Vide page 39).
While referring to the Airne Moire, I may mention another
foreign nut, gathered on the shores of the outer islands. Martin
says that the kernel of this nut, beat to powder and drunk in
milk or aqua vitce, was reckoned a good cure for diarrhoea and
dysentery ; and the Rev. J. Lane Buchanan states that during his
sojourn in the Hebrides (1782-1790), after, the kernel was removed,
the shell was used as a snuff-mull. It is so used still, and I exhibit
a specimen. In former times Hebridean ladies got these nuts
mounted with silver, and used them as vinaigrettes. This nut,
according to Patrick Neill (Tour in Orkney and Shetland in 1806),
is the seed from the great pod of the Mimosa Scandens of Linnseus.
Having described the use of the Airne Moire at child birth, a
Bathing Charm or Blessing may now be given. It is called
EOLAS AN FHAILCIDH,
or, as mainlanders would say, Eolas an Fhairigidh. The water
having been duly blessed, the woman bathing the infant began by
sprinkling a palmful (boiseag) of water on its head. As the
performance went on, and as each palmful was sprinkled on the
child, the following Incantation was repeated : —
Gaelic Incantations. 123
Boiseag orr th'aois [air t'aois],
JS boiseag orr th'fhas [air t'fhas],
'S air do chuid a ghabhail ort,
'S a chuid nach fhasadh anns an oidhche dhiot
Gu'm fasadh anns an latha dhiot
Tri baslaichean na Trianaid Naoimh,
Ga d' dhion 's ga d' shabhaladh
Bho bheum sul,
'S bho chraos-fharmad nam peacach.
Translated —
A palmful of water on your age [years],
A palmful of water on your growth,
And on your taking of your food ;
And may the part of you which grows not during the
night
Grow during the day.
Three palmfuls of water of the Holy Trinity,
To protect and guard you
From the effects of the evil eye,
And from the jealous lust of sinners.
While dealing with amulets, I will briefly refer to
ACHLASAN CHALUM-CHILLE,
or, as it is sometimes called, Seud-Clialum-Chille. This plant is
described by Lightfoot in his " Flora Scotica " (p 416), where it is
given as St John's Wort, Hypericum Perforatum. On the High-
land mainland the plant is called " Lus-Eoin-Bhaiste." It is also
called " Ealabhuidh." This latter word is mentioned in " Miann
a' Bhaird Aosda," a poem first published by Ranald Macdonald of
Eigg, in 1776. The name " Ealabhuidh," however, is not generally
known in the Highlands, as is illustrated by the fact that John
Mackenzie, in the " Beauties of Gaelic Poetry," considered it
necessary to explain it by means of a footnote.1 It is also mentioned
by Donnchadh Ban in " Beinn-Dobhrainn " : —
'S aim do'n teachd-an-tir
A bha s6ghar lea'
Sobhrach 's eala-bhi
'S barra neoineagan.
The word is /riven in O'Reilly's Irish Dictionary, from which the
inference may be drawn that it is Irish. The plant, according to the
1 Vide " Beauties of Gaelic Poetry," page 14.
124 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
same authority, is also called " Alias- Mhuire." It is noteworthy that
while it is generally named after St John, we have it in the
Highlands named after St Columba, and in Ireland after the
Virgin Mary.
We have numerous descriptions, in folk-lore books, of the
ceremonies on St John's Eve, the plucking of St John's Wort, and
the foretelling of one's destiny, much in the same way as our
Hallowe'en observances. Bassardus Viscontinus, an old writer,
commends that plant, gathered on a Friday, about the full moon
in July, and worn round the neck, as a cure for melancholy, and
calculated to drive away all fantastical spirits. (Vide Burton's
" Anatomy of Melancholy "). A German poet beautifully describes
the ceremony in connection with this plant, in lines of which the
following are a translation : —
The young maid stole through the cottage door,
And blushed as she sought the plant of power : —
" Thou silver glow-worm, oh lend me thy light,
I must gather the mystic St John's Wort to-night —
The wonderful herb, whose leaf will decide
If the coming year shall make me a bride."
And the glow-worm came,
With its silvery flame,
And sparkled and shone
Through the night of St John ;
And soon has the young maid her love-knot tied.
With noiseless tread,
To her chamber she sped,
Where the spectral moon her white beams shed : —
" Bloom here, bloom here, thou plant of power,
To deck the young bride in her bridal hour !"
But it drooped its head that plant of power,
And died the mute death of the voiceless flower ;
And a withered wreath on the ground it lay,
More meet for a burial than a bridal day.
And when a year was passed away,
All pale on her bier the young maid lay ;
And the glow-worm came,
With its silvery flame,
And sparkled and shone
Through the night of St John ;
And they closed the cold grave o'er the maid's cold clay~
— (Vide Hone's "Every Day Book," Vol. L, p. 427).
Gaelic Incantations. 125
An Uist lady described Achlasan-Chalum-Chille to me as grow-
ing in out-of-the-way corners in little branches, with pretty yellow
flowers — " Bithidh e 'fas 'na ghasan agus dithein bhoidheach
bhuidhe air." To get it growing on the hillside at a time when it
was not looked for was considered very lucky, for prosperity and
success followed in its train — " Bha buaidh ga ruith." When it
was found unsought for, the following Incantation was said : —
Achlasan-Chalum-Chille
Gun sireadh, gun iarraidh,
Mo niarrachd 1 a gheibheadh e.
Buainidh mise duilleach an aigh,
Mar a dh' drduich an t-Ard-Bigh.
Cha 'n 'eil aite 'n teid e suas
Nach buinnigteadh leis buaidh a's cis.
Translated —
The herb of St Columba [St John's Wort]
Unsought-for, unasked —
Fortunate is he who would get it.
I will cut [or pluck] the Foliage of Prosperity
As commanded by the High King.
Wherever it is put up
It will win victory and command homage.
Another version of the Incantation was thus : —
Achlasan-C h alum-C hille
Gun sireadh, gun iarraidh,
Air sliabh chaorach tha mi ga d' spionadh.
Translated —
St Columba's herb,
Unsought-for and unasked —
On the sheep hills I pluck thee.
Another version was —
Luibh Chalum-Chille gun sireadh, gun iarraidh ;
'S a dheoin Dia cha bhasaich mi nochd.
1 Foinne mu 'n iadh brbg
Mo niarrachd bean 6g air am bi ;
Foinne mu 'n iadh glaic,
Mo niarrachd am mac air am bi.
The phrase "Mo niarrachd" is probably equivalent to the Old Irish "Mo
n-genar det-siu" = " it is happy for you"— now " is meunar duit-se."
126 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Translated—
St Columba's herb (or wort) unsought-for and unasked ;
And please God, I will not die to-night.
The plant, carried about the person, was believed to act as a
charm or protection against all manner of evil agencies. Old
persons preserved it in the hope that their cattle and sheep would
increase, and that prosperity :n general would attend them ; while
school children carried it in the hope of protecting themselves from
the teacher's tawse. The Eigg schoolboy who loitered on the road
from school in the evening was satisfied he would escape parental
reproof if, in course of his wanderings, he came across this precious
herb, unsought-for. On thus finding it he said —
Aohlasan-Chalum-Chille, gun sireadlf, gun iarraidh ;
'S a dheoin Dia cha ;n fhaigli mi achmhasan an nochd.
Translated —
St Columba's herb, unsought-for and unasked ;
And please God, I will not be reproved to-night !
Martin mentions the Fuga Doemonum, a term which I may trans-
late " Sgiursadh nan Deamhan." I think there can be no doubt
that the plant he refers to is St John's Wort. He says : —
" John Morrison, who lives in Bernera of Harris, wears the
plant called Fuga Dcemonum sewed in the neck of his coat, to
prevent his seeing of visions, and says he never saw any since he
first carried that plant about him. He suffered me to feel the
plant in the neck of his coat, but would by no means let me open
the seam, though I offered him a reward to let me do it." — (Vide
page 334).
Like St John's Wort, the four-leaved Shamrock was believed
to be possessed of many virtues, not only in Ireland, but also in
the Isle of Man and the Scottish Highlands. When found with-
out seeking, it was considered fortunate, and concerning it the
following lines were said : —
Seamrag nan duillean 's nam buadh,
Bu chaomh learn thu bhi fo rn' chluasaig
}N am dhomh cadal na'm shuain.
Translated —
Shamrock of leaves and virtues,
I would wish you to be under my pillow
On my falling asleep.
Gaelic Incantations. 127
TOIR A MACH AN TORAIDH.
Every Highlander is acquainted with the belief that a witch
can take the substance out of her neighbour's milk. The same
belief is common throughout Ireland. The idea is not
peculiar to the Celts, however ; and as illustrating the
power attributed to witches, I quote two counts from the indict-
ment charging Marion Pardown, Hillswick, Shetland, 1644, with
witchcraft. (Vide "Hibbert's Shetland's," p. 282). They are as
follows : —
" Item, — Ye the sd. Marion Pardown ar indyttit and accusit
for that zeers syne, James Halcro, in Hilldiswick, having a cow
that ye alledged had pushed a cow of yours, ye in revenge thereof,
by yr. said devilish art of witchcraft, made the sd. James his cow,
milk nothing but blood, whereas your awin cow had no harm in
her milk ; whereupon they suspecting you, shewit the sd. bloody
milk to Marion Kilti your servant, quha desyrit of you the same
bloody milk for Goddis caus to shew you, and said she houpit the
cow sould be weil ; quhilk having gotten, and coming therewith
to your hous, and shawring it to you, thereafter the cow grew weil,
thairby shewing and proving your sd. devilish practyce of the art
of witchcraft.
" Item, — Ye, the said Marion, are indyttit and accusit for that
you having, a'no 1642 zeirs, hyrit ane cow from Andrew Smith,
younger in Hildiswick, which ye keepifc frae the bull, when she
wald have taken bull, and the sd. Andro getting knowledge thereof,
causit the same to be brought to the bull and bullit against your
will. The next year when she calved, ye by your sd. devilish art
of witchcraft, took away her proffeit and milk, sa that she milked
nothing but water, quhilk stinked and tasted of sharn a long tyme,
till that you comming by the sd. Andro his hous, he suspecting
you, caused you to milk her and look to her, after which doing,
immediately the sd. cow's milk cam to its own nature, — thairby
indicating and sewing your sd. devilish, and wicked, and abbomin-
able airt and practyce of witchcraft, — and quhilk ye cannot deny."
Poor Marion was found guilty, and sentenced to be burned to
death.
In the Highlands, similar beliefs as to the powers of witches
prevailed ; and our Transactions contain an interesting paper by our
friend Mr William Mackay, describing the burning of witches in
Strathglass. The Rev. Robert Kirk, minister of Aberfoyle in the
seventeenth century, gives us in his " Secret Commonwealth of
Elves, Fauns, and Fairies," the following account of it : —
128 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
" What food they [the Fairies] extract from us is conveyed to
their homes by secret paths, as sume skilfull Women do the Pith
and Milk from their Neighbours Cows into their own Chiese-hold
thorow a Hair-tedder, at a great Distance, by Airt Magic, or by
drawing a spickot fastened to a Post, which will bring milk as farr
of as a bull will be heard to roar. The Chiese made of the
remaineing Milk of a Cow thus strain'd will swim in Water like a
cork. The method they take to recover their milk is a bitter
chyding of the suspected Inchanters, charging them by a Counter
Charme to give them back their own, in God, or their Masters
name. But a little of the Mother's Dung stroakit on the Calves
mouth before it suck any, does prevent this theft." The formula
described by Isabella Gowdie, a witch, was as follows : — " We
plait the rope the wrong way, in th«» Devil's name, and we draw
the tether between the cow's hind feet, and out betwixt her
forward feet, in the Devil's name, and thereby take with us the
cow's milk."
I am not aware that this mode of treatment existed in the
Western Islands. There the people, by means of herbs and
appeals to the Trinity and the Church, hoped to ward off the
powers of witchcraft. For this purpose a favourite plant was
MOTHAN, OR MOAN.
I do not find the name of this herb in any of our Gaelic
dictionaries; but in Lightfoot's "Flora Scotica," page 1131, under
the heading "Addition of Erse and Scotch names and plants," we
have the following : — " Pinguicula vulgaris, Moan, Gaulis. Steep-
grass, Earning-grass, Scotis-austral"
In Uist this plant was believed to be a sure protection against
the powers of witches. It should be pulled on a Sunday in this
manner : — On finding a place where it grew in abundance,
the person going to use it would mark out three small tufts, and
calling one by the name of the Father, another by the name of
the Son, and the third by the name of the Holy Ghost, would
commence pulling the tufts, at the same time saying : —
Buainidh mise am M6than,
An luibh a bheannaich an Domhnach ;
Fhad 'sa ghleidheas mise am Mdthan
Cha 'n 'eil e beo air thalamh
Gin a bheir bainne mo bh6 bhuam.
Gaelic Incantations. 129
Translated —
I will pull the M6an,
The herb blessed by the Domhnach ; *
So long as I preserve the M6an
There lives not on earth
One who will take my cow's milk from me.
The three tufts having thus been pulled, they were carefully taken
home, rolled up in a small piece of cloth, and concealed in some
corner of the dairy or milk-kist — " ciste-a'-bhainne." I have here
a specimen of the Moan which was in actual use as an amulet.
As an illustration of the virtues of the M6an as a Fuga
Dcemonum, my informant narrated a story, which may be briefly
given here : — A certain woman in the Western Islands was
delivered of a son. As usual on such occasions, there was a
group of admiring females round the fire attending to the wants
of the new arrival. While thus employed, they saw a shaggy
little creature — " creutar beag, loireach " — traddling in at the
door. He stood bewildered ; and in an instant they heard a voice
without, " Nach toir thu mach e?" — (Will you not bring it out?)
The " creutar loireach " responded, " Cha toir ; cha 'n urraiim mi,
's bainne na M a dh'ith am Mothan 'na bhroinn " — (No, I cannot,
for the milk of the cow that ate the M6an is in his stomach). The
stranger, who was believed to be a Fairy anxious to " lift " the
child before it was baptised, then vanished.2
A plant called " Caoibhreachan " was also used as an amulet to
protect milk from witches. It was believed that the substance, or
" Toradh," could not be taken out of milk in any house where the
" Caoibhreachan " was kept under an upturned dish. I do not
find this plant mentioned in our Gaelic dictionaries, and I have not
been able to get a specimen of it.
In this connection, I may give Eolas nan Torranan. I quote
it from Dr Stewart's " 'Twixt Ben Nevis and Glencoe." Dr Stewart
got it from Mr A. A. Carmichael : —
Buaineams' thu, a thorrannain,
Le t' uile bheannachd 's le t' uile bhuaidh ;
Thainig na naoi earrannan
Le buaidh an torrannain,
Lamh Bhrighde learn !
Tha mi nis 'gad bhuain.
1 i.e., the Chu.ch.
2 It was the custom at one time iu the Island of Colonsay to put an old
.shoe to burn at the fireside when a woman was in travail, in order to keep
away the fairies that were always ready to "lift" an infant.
130 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Buaineams' thu, a thorrannain,
Le d' thoradh inara 's tire,
Ri lionadh gun traghadh
Le d' laitnh-sa, Bhrighde mhin,
Calum naomh 'gam sheoladh,
Odhran caomh 'gam dhion,
Is Micheil nan steud uaibhreach
'Cur buaidh anns an ni.
Tha mo lus lurach a nis air a bhuain.
Translated—
Let me pluck thee, Toraiinan !
With all thy blessedness and all thy virtue,
The nine blessings came with the nine parts,
By the virtue of the Torannan^j
The hand of St Bride with me,
I am now to pluck thee.
Let me pluck thee, Torannan !
With thine increase as to sea and land ;
With the flowing tide that shall know no ebbing,
By the assistance of the chaste St Bride,
The holy St Columba directing me,
Gentle Oran protecting me,
And St Michael of high-crested steeds
Imparting virtue to my cattle,
My darling plant is now plucked.
The Kirk-Session of Kenmore, in Perthshire, had several cases
of alleged witchcraft in last century. From the Kirk-Session
records it appears that Janet Macintaggart was charged, on 19th
July, 1747, with "Charms and Inchantments," by milking three
drops from her neighbour's sheep as a charm to recover the substance
of the milk. Her sister Margaret was charged with going into
every house in the township with an egg shell having a little milk in
it concealed in her breast ; and being asked for what end she did it,
she answered that " she heard some of the wives of the town say
that to go into their neighbour's houses with an egg shell after
this manner was an effectual charm to recover the substance of
their milk which was taken away."
THE EVIL EYE.
The belief in the Evil Eye is of great antiquity. Virgil says —
" Nescio quis teneros oculus miki fascinat agnos."
" It must be that some evil eye bewitches my tender lambs."
Gaelic Incantations. 131
For centuries this belief has prevailed in the Highlands. We
are often told that the Highlanders are superstitious, and in that
respect far behind their Lowland neighbours. It may not be amiss
to point out here that the belief in the Evil Eye has prevailed in
all countries, and prevails even in civilised Greece to the present
time. Mr Rennall Rodd, in his interesting volume on the
" Customs and Lore of Modern Greece," mentions that all grades of
Grecian society believe in it. So much is this the case, that it is
acknowledged by the Greek Church, which has prayers against its
potency.
The Evil Eye was believed to be the outcome of envy. Admira-
tion implied envy and covetousness, and hence when one praised or
admired another, whether man or beast, the object praised was
believed to be liable to the effects of the Evil Eye.1 Thus when a
woman admires a child, she frequently says — " Gu'm beannaich an
Sealbh thu ; cha ghabh mo shuil ort ; " which may be translated —
" God bless you, my eye shall not punish you " — that is to say that
the child should not become a victim to the Evil Eye.
This idea also prevails in Orkney and Shetland, where praise of
the description above indicated receives the name " Forespoken.''
If one says to a child " He is a bonnie bairn ;" or " Thoo are look-
ing well the day," it is regarded as coming from an " ill tongue,"
unless the expression "God save the bairn," or some such blessing
is also used. When one was " Forespoken " the cure in Orkney
"was "Forespoken Water" — that is water into which something has
been dropped, supposed to possess magical powers, and over which
an Incantation has been pronounced — probably a reminiscence
of Holy Water. The articles dropped in the water were,
as a lule, three pebbles of different colours gathered from
the sea shore. The charm was considered most potent when
one stone was jet black, another white, and the remaining red, blue,
or greenish. An Incantation was then muttered over the water,
the reciter commencing by saying the word " Sain," and at the
same time making the sign of the cross on the surface of the water.
The Incantation was as follows : —
In the name of Him that can cure or kill,
This water shall cure all earthly ill,
Shall cure the blood and flesh and bone,
For ilka ane there is a stone ;
1 In the song of the Kenlochewe Bard already referred to, we have the line —
Buidseachd, a's draoidheachd b'sfarmad.
(Witchcraft, sorcery, and envy.)
132 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
May she fleg all trouble, sickness, pain,
Cure without and cure within
Cure the heart, and horn, and skin.
The patient for whom the "Forespoken Water" was prepared had
to drink a part of it ; the remainder was sprinkled on his person »
A variant of the Incantation is as follows : —
Father, Son, Holy Ghost,
Bitten sail they be
Wha have bitten thee !
Care to their near vein,
Until thou get'st thy health again,
Mend thou in God's name !
The Evil Eye might be described as of a two-fold character. It
was (first) believed to be the outcome of fin evil disposition on the
part of the one who possessed it; and (secondly) many were
believed to be possessed of this unhappy faculty, though at the
same time they were innocent of any ill design. I have recently
met on the West Coast a man who believed that he himself
had the Evil Eye, and that he could not look even on his own
cattle and admire them without the animals suffering from the
baneful influence ! In Greece the most popular amulet against
fascination, and the consequent Evil Eye, is garlic. A mother or
nurse walking out with her children, who may be admired, will at
once exclaim " Skordon " (garlic). The ancients seem to have held
that a power which grew out of envy was best thwarted by any-
thing which provoked laughter. Accordingly amulets of an
indelicate character were worn as charms, and spitting was an uni-
versal remedy. In West Connaught recourse is had to spitting at
the present day. The person suspected of possessing the Evil Eye
is got to expectorate on the person " over-looked." Should the
suspected person decline, an effort is made to get a part of his
underclothing for the purpose of rubbing the " overlooked " person
with it. In the event of these " remedies " proving ineffectual
recourse is had to a process called Conlaoideacha. According to
this method a relative of the •* victim " takes a mug and proceeds
with it to a certain number of houses. He gets every member of
each house visited to spit into the mug. The contents are taken
home and the " overlooked " person is rubbed therewith. This is
believed to be an effectual cure !
In the Highlands there were amulets worn, such as coins and
beads, about children's necks ; and the possessor of the Evil Eye
was given something as an antidote to his envy. If a neighbour
Gaelic Incantations. 133
entered when a woman was churning, the envious eye of the visitor
might affect the performance, and prevent the butter from coming !
To avert such a calamity, the visitor got a drink out of the churn.
In order to avoid such interruptions, the churning was usually
made after bed-time, when the dangers of interruption from with-
out were few.
A certain preparation of water was one of the prevailing
remedies when either man or beast was supposed to be suffering
from the Evil Eye. At page 126 of Vol. VIII. of the Gaelic
Society's Transactions, I gave a short account of the ceremony.
According to the description then given, coins of gold, silver, and
copper were put into a basin of water. The person performing
the Eolas repeated the undernoted words over the dish, at the
same time blowing the water with his or her breath. The water
was then sprinkled on the person supposed to be suffering from
the malady. The words given on that occasion were —
'S i 'n t-suil a chi,
'S e 'n cridhe a smuainicheas,
'S i 'n teanga 'labhras ;
'S mise 'n Triuir gu tilleadh so ortsa, A.B.
An ainm an Athar, a' Mhic, 's an Spioraid Naoimh.
Translated —
'Tis the eye that sees,
'Tis the heart that thinks,
'Tis the tongue that speaks •
I am the Three to turn this off you.1
In the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost.
So much by way of introduction. I will now proceed with the
mode of curing the sufferer from the supposed effects of the Evil
Eye, as the same is practised in Uist. In the first place, the per-
former goes for water, and, if possible, it is taken from a burn
across which the living pass, and over which the bodies of the
dead are from time to time carried. Having brought the water
into the house, he repeats the Paidir (Pater), and the Creud (Credo),
He then takes a coin, or coins. My informant was not very
precise as to the use of the three metals, as stated in the former
description, but she significantly added, " Mar is treise 'n t-airgiod
's ann is fhearr e," meaning that the more valuable the coin, the
more powerful it is ! The coin, or coins, are then, in the name of
1 Here the name of the afflicted person is to be said.
134 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, put into the water. Thereafter
three palmfuls (tri boiaeagan) are sprinkled, in the name of the
Trinity, on the person or animal suffering. The performer then
goes with the dish of water to the fireside, and sprinkles three
palmfuls on the fire, repeating these words : —
" An till teine farm ad 1
Tillidh teine farmad."
("Will fire turn envy 1
Fire will turn envy ").
The remainder of the water is then taken outside, and spilled on
a flag, or rock — on what my informant called "air lie dhilinn,"
that is, a flag or rock in situ. +
At the present day, in Perthshire, a similar performance is
gone through when a tenant finds that a ram of his flock is sick.
The practice, doubtless, has its origin in the belief that such sick-
ness was due to the Evil Eye. The ceremony is somewhat similar
to that described in the first charm ; and it was considered a good
sign if the coin adhered to the bottom of the vessel containing the
water.
A version I received from Skye a few years ago seems simple.
Three coins — half a sovereign, half a crown, and half a penny —
were put into the water ; the performer knelt 011 his right knee,
and sprinkled the water on the sufferer, at the same time repeating
the following Incantation : —
Chi suil thu :
Labhraidh bhil thu ;
Smuainichidh cridhe thu —
An Triuir ga do dhion —
An t-Athair, am Mac, 'san Spiorad Naorah.
(name here)
A thoil-san gu'n robh deanta. Amen.
Translated —
Eye will see you,
Tongue will speak of you ;
Heart will think of you —
The Three are protecting you—
The Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.
A. B.
His will be done. Amen.
Gaelic Incantations. 135
There was a general dread of the Evil Eye among old Skyemen
in former times. As an antidote against it, the following verse
was repeated when washing in the morning : —
Gu'm beannaicheadh Dia mo shuil,
'S beannaichidh mo shuil na chi :
Beannaichidh mise mo nabuidh,
'S beannaichidh mo nabuidh mi.
Translated —
Let God bless my eye,
And my eye will bless all I see ;
I will bless my neighbour,
And my neighbour will bless me.
Another Skye remedy was the sign of the cross. When a
person believed to have the Evil Eye, or to be unlucky to meet
(droch comhdh&laiche), was met anywhere, the person dreading any
evil result from the meeting made the sign of the cross on the
ground, between himself and the untoward person. This practice
prevailed till recent times, and may still be observed by old
persons — a very significant survival of Catholic times in a purely
Protestant district.
Another supposed cure for the Evil Eye was " Eolas a'
chronachaidh." An account of it is given in Mackenzie's
" Beauties," page 268, where it is stated that as the Incantation
was sung a bottle of water was being filled, and the performer so
modulated his voice as to chime with the gurgling of the liquid as
it poured into the vessel. The Incantation, as given in the
" Beauties," is as follows : —
Deanamsa dhutsa eolas air suil,
A uchd 'Ille Phadruig Naoimh,
Air at amhaich is stad earbuill,
Air naoi conair 's air naoi connachair,
'S air naoi bean seang sithe,
Air suil seana-ghille, 's air sealladh seana-mhna ;
Mas a suil fir i, i lasadh mar bhigh,
Mas a suil mnath' i, i bhi dh' easbhuidh a cich,
Falcadair fuar agus fuarachd da 'fuil,
Air a ni, 's air a daoine,
Air a crodh 's air a caoraich fein.
136 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Translated —
Let me perform for you a charm for the evil eye,
From the breast of the holy Gil-Patrick [St Patrick],
Against swelling of neck and stoppage of bowels [tail],
Against nine " Conair" and nine " Connachair,"
And nine slender fairies,
Against an old bachelor's eye and an old wife's eye.
If a man's eye may it flame like resin,
If a woman's eye may she want her breast,
A cold plunge and coldness to her blood,
And to her stock, to her men,
To her cattle and her sheep.
I have already referred to the spitting cure as practised in
Ireland. I am indebted to Mr D. O'Faherty, the collector and
compiler of that entertaining volume, " Siamsa an Gheimhridh,"
for the followicg Irish incantation against the Evil Eye : —
An Triur a chonnaic me agus nar bheannuigh me" —
An t-suil, an croidhe, agus an beul ;
An Triur a chuir mise do mo chosaint —
An t-Athair, an Mac, agus an Spiorad Naomh.
Air a bha beannach, no air a chaoraibh lachtnach,
Agus mar bh-fuil rud air bith eile aige,
Faoi na chroidhe agus faoi 'na easnachaibh fein,
Uaimse agus 6 gach duine bhaineas Horn fein.
Translated —
Three who saw me and did not bless me —
The eye, the heart, and the mouth ;
The Three whom I placed to protect me —
The Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
(May the effects of the Evil Eye fall)
On his horned cattle, on his dun sheep ;
And if he has nothing else (may he feel its effects)
Under his own heart and under his own ribs
From me and from each person who belongs to me.
Mr Leland, in his " Gypsy Sorcery," makes several references
to the Evil Eye. At page 51 he describes the Gypsy ceremony
against the influence of the Evil Eye, and as it is somewhat akin
to our Highland method, I may briefly repeat it here. A jar is
filled with water from a stream, and it must be taken with, not
against the current. In it are placed seven coals, seven handfuls
Gaelic Incantations. 137
of meal, and seven cloves of garlic, all of which are put on the
fire. When the water begins to boil, it is stirred with a three-
forked twig, while the gypsy repeats a rhyme of which the
following is a translation : —
Evil eyes look on thee,
May they here extinguished be,
And then seven ravens
Pluck out the evil eyes.
Evil eyes (now) look on thee,
May they soon extinguished be.
Much dust in the eyes,
Thence may they become blind.
Evil eyes now look on thee,
May they soon extinguished be ;
May they burn, may they bum
In the fire of God !
It is pointed out that the seven ravens in the rhyme are pro-
bably represented by the seven coals ; while the three-pointed
twig, the meal, and the garlic, symbolise lightning.
From the Evil Eye one naturally turns to what is called in
the Outer Hebrides,
EOLAS AN T-SNAITHNEAN, OR THE TRIPLE THREADS.
I have previously pointed out that Pennant, in his Tour, refers to
Virgil's description of the charms used by the shepherd Alphesi-
boeus, arid the use of triple threads in connection with these : —
" Necte tribus nodis ternos, Amarylli, color es ;
Necte, Amarylli, modo et ' Veneris* die ' vincula necto.'"
(" Twine in three knots, Amaryllis, the three colours ;
Twine them, Amaryllis, and say, 'I am twining the bonds of love'").
Eolas an t-Snaithnean is simply the Charm or Incantation of the
threads, that is, the triple threads ; and it is worthy of note that
the triple threads of Virgil were white, rose colour, and black.
In Virgil's Ecologue VIII., line 73, we have a clear reference to
the Eolas of the triple threads : —
" Terna tibi hoec primum triplici diver sa colore
Licia circumdo."
("These three threads distinct with three colours
I wind round thee first "),
thus proving the great antiquity of this charm. It is still very
popular in the Western Islands, and is used as a Charm against
138 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the effects of the Evil Eye, and also against Witchcraft. The rite-
observed is as follows : —
First, the Paidir or Pater is said. Then the following
Incantation : —
Chi suil thu,
Labhraidh bial thu ;
Smuainichidh cridhe thu.
Tha Fear an righthighe1
Gad' choisreagadh,
An t-Athair, am Mac, 's an Spiorad Naomh.
Ceathrar a rinn do chron —
Fear agus bean,
Gille agus nighean. ^
Co tha gu sin a thilleadh 1
Tri Pearsannan na Trianaid ro-naomh,
An t-Athair, am Mac, 's an Spiorad Naomh.
Tha mi 'cur fianuis gu Moire, agus gu Brighde,
Ma 's e duine rinn do chron,
Le droch run,
No le droch shuil,
No le droch chridhe,
Gu'm bi thusa, ( ) gu math
Ri linn so a chur mu 'n cuairt ort.
An ainm an Athar, a' Mhic, 's an Spioraid Naoimh.
Translated —
An eye will see you,
Tongue will speak of you,
Heart will think of you,
The Man of Heaven
Blesses you
The Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.
Four caused your hurt—
Man and wife,
Young man and maiden.
Who is to frustrate that ?
The three Persons of the most Holy Trinity,
The Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.
1 Righ-theach is an ordinary word for Heaven in the old Irish manuscripts..
2 Here say the name of person or beast to be cured.
Gaelic Incantations. 139-
I call the Virgin Mary and St Bridget to witness
That if your hurt was caused by man,
Through ill-will,
Or the evil eye,
Or a wicked heart,
That you [A.B.] may be whole,
While I entwine this about you.
In nomine Pair is, &c.
The whole of the foregoing Incantation is recited three times, and,,
during the recital, the Snaithnean, or tri-coloured triple thread, is
entwined about the beast's tail (am bun an earbuilt) with triple
knots. If the beast is to recover, the person applying the
Snaithnean feels himself or herself becoming ill ! If the first recital
does not prove efficacious, the rite may be performed two or three
times.
Another Eolas, which appears to be an abbreviation of the
Snaithnean, is
EOLAS FOIKBIGNIDH.
It may be used for man or bea^t, with or without the Snaithnean, in
all sorts of illnesses of a sudden nature, and is much in request.
It is as follows : —
Ceathrar a laidheas an suil,
Fear a's bean,
Gille agus nighean,
Triuir ga shodhadh sin,
An t-Athair, am Mac, 's an Spiorad Naomh.
From the Evil Eye and the Snaithnean one naturally turns to
THE SI AN, OR SBUN.
Macalpine defines Seun as " an amulet to render a warrior
invulnerable." The word is also used in an ecclesiastical sense
as meaning blessed, or sacred. We have the expression "Am
biadh gun sianadh air do shiubhal," signifying that a person
had partaken of food without blessing it or saying grace. In the
song of the Kenlochewe Bard, previously referred to, we have the
mother-in-law presented to us at the bed of the young couple as
" Ga'n sianadh 's ga'n teagasg ;" that is, blessing them and teach-
ing them. The Sian, as explained by Macalpine, and also in a
more elaborate form by the learned authors of the Highland
Society's Dictionary, is simply a protective charm ; and it is of
interest to note that the belief in it is by no means confined to-
140 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the Highlands. In the work by Mr Rennall Rodd, previously
referred to, we have an account of a certain Cretan warrior who,
in our own time, pretended to be invulnerable in virtue of a medal
of St Const an tine, which he wore suspended round his neck.
Twice this warrior was hit without being wounded, but a third
time he received a serious wound in the neck. This, however, did
not shake his confidence, and he attributed his mischance to the
fact that in pursuance of a vendetta he had determined in his own
mind to take the life of a fellow-Christian, whereupon the saint
had withdrawn his protection. This reminds one of the legend
that the Highland warriors who were under a sian at Culloden had
only to remove their plaids and shake off the bullets ! The Clan-
ranald chief who was killed at Sheriffmuir was believed to be
"charmed" or under a protective spejl ; and an Uist tradition has
it that he was treacherously killed by a man from his own estates
who had encountered his ire for some misconduct, and who joined
his opponents. This man knew that his chief was protected by a
xian, and, putting a silver coin into his gun, shot him.
The sian of the Clanranalds was, according to tradition, a piece
of the club moss (Garbhag an t-sleibhe), and a piece of the caul or
currachd-rath (Fortunatus's cap). These were put into the pocket
of the warrior when departing for battle, either by a virgin or an
unmarried man. At the same time an Incantation of some kind
was gone through. With regard to the club moss, the following-
lines were said : —
Fhir a shiubhlas gu h-eutrom,
Cha 'n eagal dhuit beud no pudhar,
'S garbhag-an-t-sleibhe bhi air do shiubhal.
I was not able to find the Incantation of the Sian in Uist, but
I give here a set which Mr Macbain obtained from one of his
mainland friends. The " charmer" and his protege go to a retired
spot. The recipient of the charm there goes on his knees ; the
" charmer" lays his hand on the other's head ; and, with eyes shut,
utters the Incantation. Going round him sunwise, or Deiseal, he
repeats these words twice : —
Sian a chuir Moire air a Mac ort,
Sian roimh mharbhadh, sian roimh lot ort,
Sian eadar a' chioch 's a' ghlun,
Sian eadar a' ghlun 's a' bhroit [bhraghaid] ort,
Sian nan Tri ann an Aon ort,
0 mhullach do chinn gu bonn do chois ort.
Gaelic Incantations. 141
Sian seachd paidir a h-aon ort,
Sian seachd paid?r a dha ort,
Sian seachd paidir a tri ort,
Sian seachd paidir a ceithir ort,
Sian seachd paidir a coig ort,
Sian seachd paidir a sia ort,
Sian seachd paidir nan seachd paidir dol deiseal ri
deagh uarach ort, ga do ghleidheadh bho bheud
5s bho mhi-thapadh.
Translated —
The charm that Mary placed on her Son be on you,
Charm from slaying, charm from wounding,
Charm between pap and knee,
Charm between knee and breast on you,
Charm of the Three in One on you,
From top of head to sole of foot,
Charm of seven paters once on you,
Charm of seven paters twice on you,
Charm of seven paters thrice on you,
Charm of seven paters four times on you,
Charm of seven paters five times on you,
Charm of seven paters six times on you,
Charm of the seven paters of the seven paters going
sunwise in lucky hour on you, a-keeping you
from harm and accident.
Going anti-sunwise, or tuaitlieal, he repeats the following one : — •
Clogaid na slainte mu d' cheann,
Cearcall a' Chumhnaint inn d' amhaich,
Uchd-eididh an t-sagairt mu b' bhroilleach;
Ma 's ruaig bho 'n taobh-chuil,
Brogan na h-Oighe ga d' ghiulan gu luafcli.
Sian nan Tri ann an Aon ort,
Bho mhullach do chiim gu bonn do shall,
Agus sian paidir nan seachd paidir
Dol tuaitheal is deiseal, deiseal is tuaitheal,
Gu d' ghleidheadh bho d' chul
Bho luaidhe 's bho chlaidheamh,
Bho lot 's bho mharbhadh,
Gu uair a's am do bhais.
142 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Translated—
The helmet of salvation about your head,
The ring of the Covenant about your neck,
The priest's breastplate about your breast ;
If it be rout on the rear,
The shoes of the Virgin to take you swiftly away.
Charm of the Three in One on you
From crown of head to sole of foot,
And the charm of the pater of the seven paters
A-going anti-sunwise and sunwise, sunwise and anti-sunwise,
To protect you from behind,
From lead and from sword,
From wound and from slaying,
Till the hour and time of your death.
The Caul — Currachd-rath, or, as it is frequently called, Cochull
—is a membraneous cap in which the head of a child is sometimes
enveloped when born. Such children are believed to be the
special favourites of fortune. In addition to the caul being
regarded as a protective charm in battle, it is also believed to
afford protection from drowning, and is looked upon as an article
of considerable marketable value among sailors. The belief in its
efficacy is by no means confined to the Highlands or even to
Scotland. The French in Mauritius attach special virtue to it,
and offer it for sale at fancy prices. In 1835, an advertisement
in the following terms appeared in the Times newspaper : — " A
child's caul to be disposed of, a well-known preservative against
drowning, «fec. Price 10 guineas." Mr Moore refers to this super-
stition in the Isle of Man, and states that a caul has been adver-
tised for sale in a Liverpool newspaper in 1891. Professor
O'Growney informs me that advertisements to the same effect
appeared frequently in Irish newspapers till about ten years ago.
In connection with this matter, it may be mentioned that the
cowl of the monk — Gaelic, cochull ; Latin, cucuUus — was also used
as an amulet in battle. In the life of St Columba, in the Book of
Lismore, we are told that Colnmcille sained, or consecrated, a cowl
for the warrior Aed Slaine, and said that he (the warrior) would
not be slain so long as that cowl should be on him. Aed Slaine
went upon a raid. He forgot his cowl. He was slain on that
day. Again, in Adamnan's Life of Columba (Book II., ch. 25),
mention is made of Findlugan donning the Saint's cowl to protect
him from the spear-thrusts of Manus Dextera ! St Columba is said
to have written the MS. known as the Cathach. His kindred, the
O'Donnells, always brought i; with them to battle, audit was their
Gaelic Incantations. 143
custom to have it carried three times round their army before
fighting, in the belief that this would ensure victory. Hence the
name Cathac/t, or Battle-book. „
In Ireland an Incantation known as Marthainn Pkadraic serves
the purpose of the Highland Sian. According to tradition, St
Patrick recited the words over the corpse of one Aine, and stated
that any one hearing it would escape many dangers. The language
of the Marthainn is very old : and several passages have crept into
it which are very obscure. The Irish peasantry attribute great
virtues to it, and are very anxious to have it. Irish soldiers in
foreign lands have been known to send for it in the belief that it
would preserve them from being shot. For the following version
of it I am indebted to Mr D. O'Faherty, editor of Siamsa an
Gheimhridh. He took it down from the recitation of an old man
named Michael Joyce : —
Olaoidhtear seang ; feart fial ; Aine 'sa g-cill go buan
Go buadh na g-craobh nglaise ; sugh na geige-geire, gile.
Go m-budh subhach suan mise agus ingean Aonghuis Sailm Ghlais,
Gidh nar budh ionann duinn run creidimh
Gaii d' ar ngradh againn air an talari] h acht Aine.
Beannachd leis an anam a bhi i g-corp Aine ni h-aille
Agus gach neach a m-beidh an Mharthainn seo aige
Beannachd d' ar ngradh-ne.
Is aoibhinn a folt, go blath nomi-bhuidhe, '0 a h-aghaidh seimhe
corcardha.
AO-US a corp a bhi seimh cumhra.
Beul 6 fath focal nior facas a riamh 6 naire.
Aine 6g ni h-aille go feart a claoidh !
Nior chualaidh si a rianih an aithrighe i g-cruth, 6 ghuth na 6
chailidheachd.
Fagamuid na buadha-so mar ar n-aithne ; buadh conganta, buadh
treise ;
Buadh feise le fionn mnaibh; buadh dubhan na tri righ riaghalta faoi
Aine, ni bheidh moran cin air d'aithrighe ma eistir le comhradh —
An te a dearfadh mo laoidh go mear-bhinn glan uasal
Rachfaidh an t-Aingeal ar neimh leis 's nior bh' eagal do High an •
Uabhair.
An te a dearfadh na Marthainn-so tri theinntibh na h-Eireann
Mar 's iata fosglochar iad eidir chruadh ghlais agus geibhinn.
An te a dearfadh na Marthainn-so a' dul i m-broid na i bh-fiach
Geobhfadh se riar a ghasdail 's beidheadh each a fosgailt 'sa riar air.
An te dearfadh na Marthainn-so a' dul i g-cath no i g-cliathra
Tiocfaidh as fo 'n arm gaisge agus a fheoil dearg iata.
144 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
An te a dearfadh na Marthainn-so a' dul i d-teach an oil
Tiocfaidh as gan gleo anachain na trobloid.
An te a dearfadh na Marthainn-so a dul i g-cinn mna moille
Is maith an turns chum. De i g-cinn ceile agus cloinne.
An te a dearfadh na Marthainn-so a' dul i g-cinn mna naoidhin
Tiocfaidh as slan meanmnach gun doilghe 6 na saothar.
An te a dearfadh na Marthainn-so a' dul i luing no i bh-fairge
Tiocfaidh as gan bathadh tuinne na anachain.
An te a dearfadh na Marthainn-so i dul i dteach nuadh
An-marbhadh ni thiocfaidh as cho 'ad a's bheidheas cleith fo dhioii
air.
Sgriobhta leis na scolaraibh go feart a dtir fior, ar feadh an-
domhain uile *
Agus go feart i g-Cille Claoidhte. Neamh ag gach neach da
meabhr6chaidh i
Agus air aon neach na ceiltear i.
Mise Padraic na bfeart a thainic 'mo Ard-Easbog go h-Eirinn
Mo chiimaidh ioltain uasail, chaill mi moran de mo leargas.
Mise Padraic pribhleideach leighim gach uile aithne ; sin buaidh
aig mo Mharthainn go brath, mar ta si Sgriobhta 6 lainih na
scolaireadh 6 thuis an domhain, 6 feart i g-Cill Claoin,
(rur bud e Marthainne Phadraic is aium di i nGaedhilige, is e mo
chreach bhronach gan i ag gach aon neach ; agus da m-beidh-
eadh si Sgriobhta i dtri fearsfimm-deug aige bheurfa d' anam
o ifrionn saor leat. Amen.
From the concluding line it is obvious the Incantation was
originally in thirteen verses. My informant, however, could not
supply it in flowing verse, and it is above recorded as narrated by
.Joyce. The Gaelic reader will be able to read and understand the
most of it without difficulty. It may be added that there are
several versions of this Marthainn, and that in all of them there
are phrases not understood by the reciters themselves. Some of
the constructions, e.g., Go = With, in line 2, have been obsolete for
upwards of a century.
I will next briefly refer to the charm called
PATH FITHE.
In Vol. VIII., p. 127, there is a brief description of the Fath
Fithe. As the text will show, this charm is somewhat compre-
hensive in its character : —
Gaelic Incantations. 145
Fa' fithe cuiream ort
Bho chu, bho chat,
Bho bho, bho each,
Bho dhuine, bho bhean,
Bho ghille, bho nighean,
'S bho leanabh beag,
Gus an tig mise rithisd.
An ainm an Athar, a' Mhic, 7s an Spioraid Naoimh.
Translated—
A magic cloud I put on thee,
From dog, from cat,
From cow, from horse,
From man, from woman,
From young man, from maiden,
And from little child,
Till I again return.
In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.
The Fath Fithe, according to tradition, was a favourite charm
with hunters, for it enabled them to make physical objects invis-
ible to the ordinary eye. They could come from the forest laden
with the spoils of the chase, but their enemies would see them
not. In more recent times it was believed that smugglers
protected themselves in this way from the most vigilant of Excise
officers. It is to be feared, however, that the art has been lost !
The expression Fath Fithe is now seldom heard ; but there can be
no doubt that in former times it was considered a protective
charm of some kind. In the verses from the Kenlochewe Bard,
already referred to, the word is used, but there obviously in the
sense of rosad as previously described. The power to bring about
darkness is an old belief among the Celts, and an interesting
instance of a charm used in this connection is given in the Book
of Lismore.
In the life of Senan (Book of Lismore) we are told of a wizard
fDruidh) who went to the King (Mac Tail) saying he would make
a charm (sen) to Senan the Saint, and that thereby he would
either die or leave the land. The King was glad with this ; and
the wizard went to Senan and " sang incantations against him and
said 'leave the land with this spell.'" The saint replied, " I will
resist thy spell ;" and he prevailed. Then the wizard u brought
darkness over the sun, so that no one in the island could see his
comrade's face." Senan, however, charmed the darkness.
10
H6 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
In that case we have the wizard using his charm or Sen, and
the superior powers of the Church getting the better of the powers
of darkness. Similarly in the same work we are told of a cloud of
darkness enveloping the mother of St Findchua from her pursuers,
and thus saving herself and the saint, who was not then born,
from the rapacity of an enemy.
Again, the Tuath de Dannan were credited with the power of
raising storms and causing darkness. When the invading Mile-
sians reached Ireland, the Tuath de Dannan, by means of sorcery,
enveloped the Island in mist, and hid it from their view. A
sorcerer among the Milesians directed them how to act, and they
eventually landed.
The Fath Fithe is believed to be equivalent to the modern
Irish Feth Fia or the Faeth Fiada of Old Irish. The Hymn of St
Patrick, previously referred to, is cafled " Faeth Fiada," or, to use
the language of the original text, " 7 Faeth Fiada ahainm" (and
Faeth Fiada is its name). In modern Irish it is called " Luireach
Phadruig," or, St Patrick's Corslet ; but anciently it was called by
this name and the name Fiada or Feth-fiada, as we gather from
the following passage in the Tripartite Life of the Saint : —
" Tune vir sunctus composuit ilium Hymnum patrio idiomate
conscriptum, qui vulgo Fetk-Fiadha, et ab aliis Lorica Patricii
appellatur; et in summo abinde inter Hibernos habetur prsetio ;
quia creditur, et inulta experientia probatur, pie recitantes ab
imminentibus animse et corporis prseservare periculis."
Translated—
" Then the Holy Man composed that Hymn in his native-
speech, which is commonly called Feth-fiadka, and by others the
Breast-plate or Lorica of Patrick ; and it is held from thence-
forward among the Irish in the highest regard ; because it is
believed — and proved by much experience — to preserve those that
piously recite it from dangers that threaten them in soul and
body."
We have already seen, when dealing with the Airne Moire,
how the hymn was regarded as a protective charm; and we are
told that Patrick, when ambuscades were set against him by
Loegaire, sang it in order to shield and guard himself and his
clerics. Patrick and his followers on singing this hymn seemed
to the ambuscaders to be wild deer with a fawn after them.
I have stated that the Fath Fithe charm is extensive in its
scope. I subjoin another, equally extensive, from the Sister Islev
kindly sent me by Professor O'Growney : —
Gaelic Incantations. 147
Ortha a chuir Colum Cille, le toil Righ Neimhe,
Air bheim suil, air urchoid1 chnuic, air shealg agus ae ;
Leigheas o neimh air an m-ball dubh ta in aice an chleibh,
Air an leic le a m-bogthar na h-easbaidh ;
Le grasa Mhic Mhuire, a's le miorbhuille Mhic De
Leigheas na colainne, 's an anal a bheith reidh.
Translated —
A prayer which Columcille gave, by the will of the King of
Heaven,
Against the Evil Eye, against hurt from the Fairies, against
spleen and liver ;
A cure from Heaven for the black spot near the breast,
For the flag (?) by which the Evil (King's Evil) is softened,
Through the favour of the Son of Mary, and the miracle of the
Son of God
A cure for the body and for smoothness of breathing.
THE FAIRIES.
" Who were the Fairies" is a question which I need not discuss,
but the following genealogy of them is interesting : —
Fairies loq. —
Cha 'n ami do Shiol Adhamh sinn,
'S cha 'n e Abraham ar n-athair ;
Ach tha sinn de mhuinntir an Athar Uaibhrich,2
Chaidh fhuadach a mach a Flaitheas.
Translated —
We are not of the seed of Adarn,
And Abraham is not our progenitor ;
But we are the offspring of the Haughty Father,
Who out of Paradise was driven.
I need not here dilate on the wondrous feats attributed to the
Fairies. People blessed themselves, and prayed the Almighty to
protect them from Fairies, but I have not come across any Anti-
1 This word, although not in common use in Gaelic, is found several times
in Scripture, and in rhymed versions of the Psalms. It is used by Mac
Mhaighstir Alastair in the song entitled " Tinneas na h-urchaid," and com-
mencing
" Gu bheil tinneas na h-urchaid
Air feadh Airdnamurchan."
2 Compare this designation, " Athair Uibhreach," with " Righ an Uabhair"
in Marthainn Phadraic.
148 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Fairy charms in the Highlands. Here is one from the West of
Ireland : —
Against Fairy Influence.
Gabhamnid le n-a g-coimirce,
A's diultamuid da n-imirte,
A g-cul linn 's a n-aghaidh uainn,
As ucht phaise 's bais ar Slanuightheora.
Translated —
We accept their protection,
We repudiate their (evil) tricks,
(May) their back (be) to us, their face from us
Through merit of the passion and death of our Saviour.
Here is another Anti-Fairy Charm sent by Mr O'Faherty from
the west of Connaught :—
Ortha an aghaidh na dajineadh maithe.
A Mhic De a g'-cluin Tu an gleo l so chugainn go mor san ghleann.
Cluinneann a Mhathair ; na bidheadh eagla ort.
Go sabhailidh an t-Athair beannuighte sinn,
Go m-budh dun daingean an dun a bh-fuilmid ann.
Go m-budh sluagh dall an sluagh seo chugainn.
O ! a losa Criosta agus a Mhaighdin ghlormhor
A chidheas ar n-dochar agus ar n-dioghbhail,
Go sgaraidh tu do chochal beannuighte taruinn !
Amen.
Mr Moore in his Folklore of the Isle of Man gives the follow
ing Manx Charm against the Fairies : —
A Charm against the Fairies.
Shee Yee as shee ghooinney,
Shee Yee er Columb-Killey
Er dagh uinnag, er dagh ghorrys,
Er dagh howl joaill stiagh yn Re-hollys.
Er kiare corneillyn y thie
Er y voayl ta mee my Ihie
As shee Yee orrym-pene.
1 Tumult, disturbance.
Gaelic Incantations. 149
Translated —
Peace of God and peace of man,
Peace of God 011 Columb-Cille,
On each window and each door,
On every hole admitting moonlight,
On the four corners of the house,
On the place I am lying,
And peace of God on myself.
I now pass to the class of charms intended to effect cures, and
commence with
EOLAS NA RUAIDHE, OR BASH, OR ROSE.
The Ruaidhe or Rash was a swelling of the breast of a woman
or the udder of an animal, causing retention of the milk, and con-
sequent pain. There are various charms for the cure of this
ailment. I will begin with a version given by an Uist crofter.
The formula was thus : — The performer, in the first place, got a
small round stone, and rubbed the swelling with the side of it
which was next the ground. At the same time, he repeated the
following Incantation : —
Seall Thusa, Chriosd,
A' chioch so 's i air at ;
Innis sin do Mhoire,
O'n 's i rug am Mac.
Ruaidhe eadar at an,
Fag an leabaidh so ;
Thoir leabaidh eile ort ;
Cuir am bainne anns a' chich,
Cuir an Ruaidhe anns a' chloich,
'S cuir a' chloich anns an lar.
Translated —
Behold Thou, 0 Christ,
This breast and it [so] swollen ;
Tell that to Mary—
'Twas she who bore the Son.
Rash between swellings,
Leave this bed ;
Betake thyself to another bed ;
Send the milk from the breast ;
Transmit the Rash to the stone,
And (through) the stone to the ground.
150 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
The idea here intended to be conveyed was that by means of
the Incantation the disease was transmitted from the breast to the
stone, and from the stone to the ground.1 In gypsy sorcery,
similar examples may be found where pain is sent into its medical
affinity, and so on, back to the source from which it came.
One of the modes of curing the Ruaidhe in cattle was thus : —
Get a stone from a March-burn — allt criche — rub the swollen teat
with the same, and say these words : —
A Chriosda, leigheis am mart.
Leigheis fhein i, 'Mhoire —
'S tu rug am Mac.
Gu'm a slan an t-ugh ;
'S gu'm a crion an t-at ;
'S a Ruaidhe mhor alar iotar,
Fag an t-aite so 's tair as !
Translated—
0 Christ, heal the Cow.
Heal thou it, 0 Mary —
Thou brought'st forth the Son.
May the udder be healed ;
May the swelling cease ;
And thou great swollen dry Rash,
Leave this place, and be off.
Another method for curing the Ruaidhc in a cow, was thus : —
A burning peat was taken and held under the udder ; the teats
• were squeezed in succession, and the milk allowed to drop until the
peat was partially extinguished. The smoke caused by the milk
and the burning peat was considered medicinal. As the cow was
being thus milked, the following Incantation was said : —
Fhaic thu, Chriosd, a' chioch
Gur a h-i tha goirt ;
Innis sin do Mhoire mhin,
Bho 'n 'si-fhein a rug am Mac.
Gu 'm bu slan a' chioch,
Gu 'm bu crion an t-at.
Teich ! teich ! a Ruaidhe !
1 Professor O'Growney writes me that the mention of the stone iu the
above formula reminds him of a Donegal phrase. Tn English, when describing
some calamity we would avert from ourselves, we say " God save the mark."
In Donegal the corresponding Gaelic is " A shamhail i gcloich"— (May) its
like (be) in a stone.
Gaelic Incantations- 151
Translated —
Christ, behold the teat —
In which there is [great] pain —
Tell that to gentle Mary,
For she brought forth the Son.
Whole may the teat be,
Let the Rash depart—
Rash ! away ! away ! !
The following is an Irish charm for the cure of the Rash, given
me by Mr O'Faherty : —
Ruadh ramhar cul connaideach.
D' iarr Colrn Cille de Chathach :
Cia'rd a leigheasfas an Ruadh 1
Nimh a chuir air g-cul agus an t-at a chur air lar,
Gan de bhrigh 's an Ruadh, an oiread a bheith slan.
Old superstitions have a wonderful vitality. Since the above
was written, a striking illustration of the belief in Charms at the
present day came under my notice. According to the Ulster
Examiner of 17th December, 1892, Owen M'llmurray was indicted
before the Ulster Winter Assizes, for that he, on 25th July, 1892,
feloniously did kill and slay one David Archer, Lurgaii. Accord-
ing to the evidence, Archer had suffered from bronchitis and
erysipelas, or rose, for some time, and was attended by two
doctors. The medical treatment did not appear to satisfy Archer
and his friends, for they sent for M'llmurray, who was a noted
" Charmer" in the district. The " Charmer" undid the bandages
which the doctors had put on Archer's leg, and rubbed the leg
with flour and butter. " While doing this he whispered a charm,
which witness (Rebecca Jane Archer, a sister of the deceased)
could not hear." " Her brother (the deceased) asked him
(M'llmurray) for God's sake to try the charm, and prisoner said he
was doing it in God's name." Aicher, however, died, and the
doctors attributed the death to the interference with the medical
treatment. The jury disagreed, and the prisoner was set at
liberty.
THE TOOTHACHE.
I will now briefly deal with the toothache charm. The
formula seems to be the same, or substantially the same, in all
Christian countries, and has reference to St Peter sitting on a
marble stone suffering from the toothache, and the . Lord passing
by and healing him. The words of this charm are met with all
152 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
over the Highlands, but strange to say they are rarely met with
in Gaelic. This is probably owing to the fact that few old High-
landers can write Gaelic. Even in the districts where English is
practically unknown to the old people, one gets this charm in
English. In Badenoch it is called Toisgeal l and formerly it was
only known to a few who professed to cure toothache. The words
were written on a small piece of paper, the paper folded up and
handed to the sufferer, who was not on any account to open it up
or see what was written thereon. It wras then sewn up in a part
of one's under-garments, and worn till it crumbled away. So long
as the paper lasted the person enjoyed immunity from toothache !
If the sufferer had the curiosity to read the formula contrary to
the direction of the learned " Charmer/' then the Toisgeal lost its
virtue, and the toothache might at any moment return !
As already stated, the formula is generally met with in English.
Here is a Gaelic version from the Island of Barra : —
Shuidh Peadar air Cloich Mharbhail. Thainig Criosda ga
ionnsaidh 's dh' fhoighnich e dheth l'de 'tha 'cur ort a Pheadair?"
Labhair Peadar, " Mo Thighearna 's mo Dhia, tha 'n Deideadh."
Fhreagair losa 's thuirt e, " Eirich suas, a Pheadair, 's bithidh tu
slan ; 's cha tusa sin a mhain ach duine sam bith a labhras na
briathraibh so na m' ainmsa cha 'n fhairich e ciod e 'n Deideadh. "
The following is a copy of the English version of the eolas
copied in South Uist. It may be taken as a rough translation of
the above, or vice versa : —
Peter sat upon a marble stone weeping. Christ came by and
asked, " What ails thee." Peter answered and said, " My Lord
and my God, my tooth toothache ;" 2 and the Lord said unto him,.
" Rise up, Peter — not for you alone, but all who will carry these
lines in my name shall never feel what is the toothache. In the
name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost."
A Latin version of the above, from the Maclagan MS., was
published by Mr Macbain in the Highland Monthly (Vol. III.,
292). As it is substantially the same as the above, I annex it
here :—
1 Toisgeal is obviously a corruption of the word soisyeal, a gospel.
According to Croker (Fairy Legends, p. 360), " a ' gospel' is a text of Scripture
written in a peculiar manner, and which has been blessed by a priest. It is
sewed in red cloth, and hung round the neck as a cure or preventive agaiusfc
various diseases."
2 i.e., My tooth is aching.
Gaelic Incantations. 153
" Petrus sedit ex marmorum lapis Dominus Noster venit et
Dixit petrus quid te gravit, petrus respondit dominus Meus Caput
et Dentes meos vexant me Dominus Noster Dicat surge petras
salva tu non solum tu sed etiam omnia qui teneant haec mea dicta
per virtutem De haec verbis Dominus Noster et in ejus Nomine
Dice tuus pestis non moleste te Detri — Minius Pratrus."
Here is an Irish version of the Toothache Charm, or, as it is
called, Ortka an diaidh-fhiacal : —
Chuidh Peadar go sruth for-lan.
Thainic Chriost os a Chionn,
" Cia'rd sin ort, a Pheadair ?"
" 0 ! m' fhiacail ata thin."
" Eirigh, a Pheadair, a's bi slan,
Ni tusa acht feara Fail."
Aon duine a gheillfeas na a dearfadh an ortha,
Ni beidheadh i n-diaigh na h-ortha diaidh in aon deud amhain.
An ainm an Athar agus an Mhic agus an Spioraid Naoimh.
Amen.
Translated —
St Peter went to a full running stream ;
Christ went to meet him, and said,
" What ails thee, Peter ?'
" 0 ! my tooth doth ache."
"Arise, Peter, and be well —
Not you alone, but also the men of Innisfail."
Any believing in or saying this Incantation
Will not have toothache thereafter in even one tooth.
In nomine Patris, &c. Amen.
The Irish peasant of Connemara has his English version of the
Toothache Charm. The following is from Galway : —
Peter sat upon a marble stone,
And unto God he made his moan.
Christ came by, and asked " What's the matter V
" 0 ! my Lord God, a toothache."
** Rise up, Peter, and not you alone,
But every one who believes in this charm
Shall never be troubled with a toothache."
In the name of the Father, &c.
154
Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
In Orkney the following variant of the Incantation, and
called " Wormie Lines " — " the worm " (the equivalent of our
Gaelic cnuimti) being an Orkney name for toothache — is used : —
Peter sat weeping on a stone ;
Christ went by saying " Why dost thou moan."
Peter said, " My tooth doth ache so sore."
Christ said, " He shall trouble thee no more —
From tooth and yackel worm shall flee,
And never more shall trouble thee."
These lines were written on a slip of paper and worn on the person.
I lately noted, from the recitation of an Eigg crofter, a Tooth-
ache Charm, which has a certain resemblance to the Irish one
above given. It is as follows : — ^
Labhair Calum-Cille nan Orth'
Ann an ordag dheas mo High —
Air chimimh, air dheidh, air dheideadh —
Air dheideadh a' ghalar-chinn.
Labhair Peadair ri Seumas —
" Cha choisich, cha mharcaich,
Cha teid mi
Leis an deideadh a tha m' cheann."
Labhair Criosda ris na h-Ostail —
" Cha bhi 'n deideadh is an Rann-s'
'S an aona cheann."
Translated —
Columba of the Incantations
Spoke in the right thumb of my King —
On worm, on ache, on toothache —
On toothache, the head-disease.
Peter spoke unto James—
" I'll walk not, I'll ride not,
I'll move not
Through the toothache in my head."
Jesus said to the Apostles —
" Toothache and this Incantation
Will not exist together in the same head."
Mr Moore does not s;ive a Manx version of the Charm. He,
however, gives the following formula, wrhich was to be used in the
same manner as the Toisgeal : —
Saint Peter was ordained a saint
Standing on a marble stone,
Jesus came to him alone —
Gaelic Incantations. 155
And saith unto him, " Peter, what makes thee shake ?"
Peter replied, '' My Lord and Master, it is the toothache."
Jesus said, " Rise up and be healed, and keep these words for my
sake, and thou shall never more be troubled with toothache."
At the base of Ben Marival, in North Uist, there is a well,
locally known by the name of Tobar-Chuithiridh, which is believed
to cure toothache. Sufferers from this ailment still frequent the
lonely well, and, according to ancient custom, leave offerings. On
bended knees they drink the water, repeating the following
words : —
" Tha mise a' cromadh sios an ainm an Athar, a' Mhic, 's an
Spioraid Naoimh ; 's a dol a dh' fhagail cradh mo chinn anns an
tobar nach traogh a chaoidh. Amen."
Translated —
I bend down, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ;
and I am to leave the torments of my head in the well, which
never will run dry."
Certain wells in Knoydart are believed to possess toothache
cures. Pilgrimages are made to them, and offerings left at them,
as in the case of Tobar-Chuithiridh.
I conclude with a Shetlandic Toothache Charm. In its style
it bears a striking resemblance to one of the Charms against the
rash above given. It is as follows : —
A Finn came ovv'r from Norraway 1
Fir ta pit toot'ache away —
Oot o' da flesh an' oot o' da bane,
Got o' da sinew an' oot o' da skane,
Got o' da skane an' into da stane,
An' dere may du remain !
An' dere may du remain ! !
An' dere may du remain ! ! !
At page 124 of Vol. VIII. cf the Transactions of the Gaelic
Society, I gave an account of
1 Mr W. T. Dennison informs me that this Incantation was also common
in Orkney, but beginning thus—
T'ree Finnmen cam' fae der heem i' de sea,
Fae de weary worm de folk tae free,
An' dey s'all be paid wi' de white monie !
156 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
BOLAS NA SEILG, OR THE SPLEEN,
as I wrote it down from the recital of a Lochbroom woman some
25 years ago. I will now lay before you the story of this Eolas,
as I recently heard it in the Outer Hebrides : — " One night," said
my informant, " Jesus and the Blessed Virgin Mary came to a
house among the hills to escape persecution. The good-wife gave
them food. Darkness was coming on, and the Virgin Mary pro-
posed that they should stay there all night. The good-wife
(Bean-an-tighe) replied that she could not give them shelter as her
husband was inhospitable, and would be angry if he found any
strangers under his roof. The Blessed Virgin asked to be favoured
with any quiet corner till morning, and the good-wife consented.
Jesus and the Virgin (losa 's Moire 'Mhathair) were permitted to
lie on some chaff which was in a corner, and the good-wife put
a covering over them. The good-man came home at night-
fall, partook of food, and went to bed. During the night he was
seized with a violent pain in his side. His life being despaired of
by his wife, she called in the assistance of the visitors (and as my
informant pathetically added " Bu mhath iad a bhi ann"). Christ
then came to the assistance of the sick man, saying " Leighisidh
mise thu — 's e greim na seilge 'th' ort." (" I will heal you — you
suffer from the stitch or spleen or bowel seizure' "), Jesus then
Bean shoirbh.
'S fear doirbh ;
Criosd 'na laidhe air a' chalg,
Caisgidh e dhiot an t-sealg.
Translated —
A gentle wife,
A churlish husband ;
Christ lying on the awns [of corn],
That will stop the sealg [colic or spleen].
Another Uist version is —
Bean fhial, 's duine borb,
Criosd 'na laidhe air a' chalg —
Eirich a's leighis an t-sealg.1
1 Professor O'Growney informs me that in the county of Meath he heard
the lines —
Bean mhin, fear borb,
Mac De 'na luidhe 'san g-colg.
Gaelic Incantations. 157
'Translated —
A hospitable wife, a churlish man ;
Christ lying on the awns —
Arise and cure the spleen.
The version of the story given in Vol. VIII. is substantially
the same as the one now narrated. It is noteworthy, however,
that in Protestant Lochbroom there is no mention of the Virgin
Mary ; whilst the version obtained in Catholic Uist assigns to her
a prominent place. The Lochbroom version of the formula was as
follows : —
An ainm an Athar, a' Mhic 's an Spioraid Naoimh !
Duine fiat a muigh,
Bean fhial a stigh,
Criosd 'na laidhe air calg an lin —
'S math an leigheas air an t-seilg sin.
Translated —
In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit,
A fierce, churlish man without,
A hospitable wife within,
Christ a-lying on the beard of flax —
That is a good cure for the spleen.
It will be noted that one of the Irish charms above given deals
with the sealg. There is also a charm for the " Stitch" in a MS.
of the llth century given in Cockayne's Leechdom and Wort-
-Cunning of Early England : —
With gestice.
" Writh Crist es msel and sing, thriwe thaer on this and pater
noster longinus miles lancea ponxit dominum et restitit sanguis et
recessit dolor. For a stitch. Write a cross of Christ and sing-
over the place this thrice."
CASGADH FOLA, OR STAUNCHING BLOOD.
The belief prevailed that some of the old Highlanders could
staunch blood. Horse gelders were supposed to be particularly
skilled in this art ; but I failed to get any specimen of the
Incantations in Uist.
I will, however, give one which I recently noted from Duncan
Campbell, an old Strathconan man, now resident in Beauly. He
learned it from a sister of Donald Macdonald, the Bard Conanach.
158 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The Bard, it appears, was celebrated for his Charms and Incanta-
tions,1 and taught the present one to his sister. She taught it to
my informant, who firmly believes in its efficacy, and who says
that he has on many occasions staunched blood through its
instrumentality ! The formula is as follows : — Having mentioned
the name and surname of the person to be cured, the " Charmer"
repeated the Ortha thus —
Paidir Mhoire, h-aon.
Paidir Mhoire, dha.
Paidir Mhoire, tri.
Paidir Mhoire, ceithir.
Paidir Mhoire, coig.
Paidir Mhoire, sia.
Paidir Mhoire, seacbd.
" Ciod e is brigh dha na seachd Paidrichean T
" Is brigh dha na seachd Paidrichean —
Obainn fala air feirg, fala deirg.
Reoithidh t' fhuil, 's duinidh do lot
Mar shileadh Moire air Criosd."
Translated —
The Pater of the Virgin Mary — one.
The Pater of the Virgin Mary — two.
The Pater of the Virgin Mury — three.
The Pater of the Virgin Mary — four.
The Pater of the Virgin Mary — five.
The Pater of the Virgin Mary — six.
The Pater of the Virgin Mary — seven.
1 In local tradition he is represented as having been particularly successful
both in letting and in staunching blood. On one occasion, while at the harvest
in the Lothians, he lodged with a weaver, who was also a noted phlebotoraist.
A full-blooded damsel of the district called on the weaver in order that he
might let her blood. He tried all his skill, but the blood would not come.
Whereupon the Bard took the damsel in hand, and, taking her by the small of
the wrist, squeezed an artery, with the result that blood squirted in the
weaver's face. The weaver desired the Bard to show him his method. The
Bard responded in verse : —
Cha tugainn eolas mo lamh fhein
Dh' fhear bhualadh slinn no chuireadh i ;
Lot thu gairdean na nighean dhonn
'S cha 'n fhac thu steall de 'n fhuil aice ;
'S an uair a theannaich mi caol a duirn
Mu 'dha shuil bha 'n fhuil aice.
Gaelic Incantations.
" What is the significance of the seven Paters T
" The significance of the seven Paters is —
The fierce (running) of blood —
(Blood) in anger,
Blood (flowing) red.
Thy blood will freeze ; thy wound will close,
As Mary's dropped on Christ !
Here is an Irish charm to staunch blood, received from Mr
O'Faherty. It is called Ortha Coisgthe Fola. I have not
previously found a Gaelic Incantation with Latin words : —
Is beannuighthe ainrn an fhir a sgoilt croidhe an laoigh ghil ;
Is maith an nidh thainic as, full, fion, agus fioruisge.
An ainm a n-Athar, stop an fhuil ; Sancti, taraidh da chobhair.
Spiritus Sancte, stop an fuil ta ag teacht go treun.
Translated —
Blessed is the name of him who split the heart of the White Calf ;
Precious is that which came therefrom — blood, wine, and pure
water.
In the name of the Father, stop the blood ; Saints, come to his aid ;
Holy Spirit, stop the blood that is spuriing so strongly.
Our Manx cousins had several such incantations, and one of
them may as a specimen be quoted here from Mr Moore's book : —
Pish'iy dy Sthappal Roie Foalley.
11 Three deiney chranee haink voish y Raue — Chreest, Peddyr,
as Paul. Va Creest y Chrosh, yn uill echey shilley, as Moirrey er
ny glioonyn yn ec liorish. Ghow for jeu yn er-obbee ayns e lau
yesh, as hayrn Creest crosh 1 harrish eh. Three mraane aegey
haink harrish yn ushtey, dooyrt unnane jeu, ' seose' ; dooyrt nane
elley, * f uirree' ; dooyrt yn trass-unnane ' sthappyms fuill dooinney
n y ben. Mish dy ghra eh, aw Chreest dy yannoo eh, ayns ennym
yn Ayr, as y Vac as y Spyrryd Noo."
Translated —
Charm to Stop Running of Blood.
" Three godly men came from Rome — Christ, Peter, and Paul.
Christ was on the cross, his blood flowing, and Mary on her knees
close by. One took the enchanted one in his right hand, and
Christ drew a cross over him. Three young women came over the
1 On repeating " crosh'' you are to draw a cross with the thumb of the right
hand over the bleeding part.
160 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
water, one of them said * up,' and another said ' stay,' and the
third one said, ' I will stop the blood of a man or woman.' I to
say it, and Christ to do it, in the name of the Father, and the Son,
and the Holy Ghost."
Another charm to staunch blood among the Manx was in Latin,
and was as follows :—
A Charm to Stop Bleeding.
Sanguis mane in te,
Sicut Christus in se ;
Sanguis mane in tua vena,
Sicut Christus in sua pcei^a ;
Sauguis mane fix us,
Sicut erat Christus,
Quando fuit crucifmis.
Our toothache Toisgeal was on no account to be seen by the
sufferer. Similarly, the above was not to be translated, as trans-
lation deprived it of its efficacy !
In Orkney the following couplet, repeated three times, was the
formula to stop blood : —
Stem, blood stem ! I say to thee !
In the name of Him that hung on a tree !
BITE OF A MAD DOG.
The bite of a mad dog was naturally much dreaded. Indeed
the bite of any dog was. The mad dog was invariably destroyed.
In the case of another dog, it sometimes sufficed if water was put
on the animal's teeth, and the wound washed with this water, or
loc-shlainte (Health-Restorer) as it was called. Our Irish cousins
dealt with the case of the mad dog in their Ancient Laws. In the
Book of Aicill we are told " There is no benefit in proclaiming it
(the mad dog — cu confaid) unless it be killed ; nor though it be
killed unless it be burned : nor though it be burned unless its
ashes have been cast into a stream."
The matter was also dealt with in the Irish charms. Here is
a specimen used in West Connaught : —
Coisgim cu air mire,
Cuirim nimh air neimh-bhrigh,
'Se dubhairt Padruig uair no tri,
In nomine Patris, et filii.
Gaelic Incantations. 161
Translated —
I check a mad dog,
I make the poison of no effect,
Saith St Patrick twice or thrice,
In nomine Patris, et filii.
EOLAS NAN SUL.
There were Eolais not only to heal sore eyes, but also to
remove a mote from the eye. Martin mentions that " there be
women " who have the latter art, " though at some miles distant
from the party grieved." The Eolas for sore or weak eyes was
practised till recent times in many parts of the country. The
modus operandi was this : — A dish was filled with clean water, and
the performer, bending over it, and spitting into it, repeated the
following Incantation : —
Obaidh nan geur shul,
An obaidh 's fearr fo 'n glirein ;
Obaidh Dhe, an t-Uile Mhor.
Feile Mhairi, feile Dhe,
Feile gach sagairt 's gach cleir,
Feile Mhicheil nam feart,
'Chairich anns a' ghrein a neart.
Translated —
A charm for sore smarting eyes —
The best charm under the sun ;
The Charm of God, the All-Great ;
Charm of Mary, Charm of God,
Charm of each priest and each cleric,
Charm of Michael the strenuous,
Who bestowed on the sun its strength.
The following story, relative to the experiences of a certain
Parliamentary candidate for a Highland constituency, and which
has not before been published, is interesting : —
In course of a house-to-house canvass, the candidate learned that
a certain voter knew Eolas nan siil. The candidate mentioned to
this voter the case of a relative who suffered from sore eyes.
The rural ophthalmist offered his services, and at once began to
prepare a "lotion." Pouring a quantity of water into a dish,
the charmer bent over it, repeating an Incantation nine times —
and each time he spat in the water. The "charmed water" was
thereafter poured into a bottle and presented to the candidate, to
•be used as a,n eye-wash by his relative.
11
162 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
It is greatly to be feared that any possible virtue the contents
of the bottle might contain were never tested.
In connection with the spitting in the water, see the story of
the healing of the man who was born blind, as narrated in the
ninth chapter of the Gospel of St John. The sixth verse of that
chapter is as follows : —
" When he [Jesus] had thus spoken, he spat on the ground and
made clay of the spittle, and he anointed the eyes of the blind man
with the clay."
A' CHIOCH THE UVULA.
When the palate fell (A' chioch }s an amhaich), the ceremony of
Togail na Dail-chuaich was resorted to. As the plant called Dail-
chuaich was pulled, a certain Incantation was said, but I have been
unable to get it. Will any reader fuAish a copy ?
Another cure for " raising the uvula " was the Ciochag-thraghad.
This small, red, uvula-like marine polypus was gathered when the
tide was out, tied in a piece of cloth, and hung on the crook above
the fire, in the name of the Trinity, mentioning the name of the
sufferer from the Cioch-shlugain at the time. As the Ciochag-
thraghad shrank under the influence of the fire, so it was believed
that the uvula of the sufferer would resume its normal size ! x
KING'S EVIL.
Here is an Irish charm for the King's Evil : —
Marbhuigheann m' ortha easbaidh bruth —
Eachmhaidh chneadha, eachmhaidh chneadha,
Gach cnuimh i n-deid a's gach peist
A mbidheann nimh ami.
In ainm an Athar agus an Mhic agus an Spioraid Naoimh.
Translated—
My charm doth kill the hot evil —
The gnawing worm, the gnawing worm ;
Every worm in tooth, and every monster
Of poisonous nature.
In the name of the Father, <fee.
1 This is interesting alongside with a Welsh formula for curing warts..
Certain wells in Wales cured warts. Professor Rhys states the formula thus :
— " On your way to the well, look for wool which the sheep had lost. When
you had found enough wool, you should prick each wart with a pin, and then
rub the wart well with the wool. The next thing was to bend the pin and
throw it into the well. Then you should place the wool on the first white-
thorn you could find, and at the wind scattered the wool the warts toould
disappear " /.'/
Gaelic Incantations. 163
ROINN A' MHAIM, OR "APPORTIONING" OF SWOLLEN GLANDS.
The Mam, or, as it is called in some districts, Man, is a
swelling of the glands in the armpit, or at the upper end of the
thigh — glaic na sleisde.1 Mam is probably the correct form — the
swelling being so called from its resemblance to mam, a round
hillock.
The popular method of curing the Mctm was to have it divided
or apportioned — roinn — over a number of mams or hillocks in
different parts of the country. The mode of carrying out the roinn,
or apportioning was as follows: — The person who practised the Eolas
took a darning needle and laid it across the Mam or swelling. He
then took an axe and placed its edge on the needle, thus forming a
cross, and at the same time saying " So air Mam" — (naming a par-
ticular mam or hillock). The needle was then shifted, the axe placed
across it again, and that portion of the swelling assigned to another
mam ; and so on for nine or twenty-four times, according to the
method of the performer.
The roinn or apportioning nine times was considered sufficient to
cause the swelling to subside — dot air ais. Nine times was the
number usually practised both on the Mainland and in most of the
Western Islands, but the correct number, according to a Colonsay
man, was twenty-four. In apportioning the swelling over twenty-
four mams, the sign of the cross was made on the floor with the
edge of the axe, after the eighth, sixteenth, and twenty-fourth
mams enumerated below, the operator at the same time saying —
" Tha so air a' Mtiam Mhor Dhiurach, 's e 's an deicheamh"
I am indebted to my friend Professor Mackinnon, of Edinburgh
University, for the following list of Mams mentioned in the rite
as the same is performed in Colonsay. It was recently noted from
the recital of Alexander Macneill, an old Colonsay man, who
thought it was required by the Professor for some desperate case
that had defied the skill of all the Edinburgh doctors !
The performer, taking the needle and the axe, and going
through the action above described, went over the twenty-four
mams thus —
1. So air Mam a' Scriodain [Mull].
2. So air Mam an t-Snodain.
3. So air Mam Dhoire Dhuaig [Mull].
4. So air Mam Chloiche Duinu.
1 Mdm= A certain bile, or ulcerous swelling of the armpit ; ulcus qucedam,
vtcus in axilla. — Highland Society's Dictionary.
Mdn—A brook bile, or an ulcerous swelling under the arm. — Macfarlane's
Vocabulary.
164 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
5. So air Mam an t-Struthain.
6. So air Mam an t-Siosair.
7. So air Mam an t-Seilisteir.
8. So air Mam Shiaba [Mull].
f (on the floor) So air a' Mham Mhor Dhiurach, 's c
'san Deicheamh.
9. So air Mam Astal [Islayl.
10. So air Mam Choireadaii [Islay].
11. So air Mam a' Bhatain.
12. So air Mam Shraoisnich.
13. So air Mam an t-Siobarsaich.
14. So air Mam Chataibh [so pronounced in Colonsay,
where Caithness is understood].
15. So air Mam na Mororaig.
16. So air Mam Chloiche Gile*.
f So air a' Mham Mhor Dhiurach, &c.
17. So air Mam na Doire Uaine [Doire is Feminine in
Colonsay].
18. So air Mam na Doire Liath (leith).
19. So air Mam Arichdhuairich [so pronounced by reciter.
Airidh Ghuaire in Mull is suggested].
20. So air Mam Choire-na-h-eirea'a [Jura].
21. So air Mam Ghribinn [Mull].
22. So air' Mam Aisginis [S. Uist ?]. x
23. So air Mam Chlachaig [Mull].
24. So air Mam Choire Chriostal.
f So air a' Mham Mhor Dhiurach, &c.
Members of this Society may be able to identify the locality of
several of these Mams.
Macneill firmly believes in the efficacy of his method of curing
the Mam ; and he occasionally puts his skill to the test in Colon-
say.
An Arisaig Man informed me that his father used to " appor-
tion" the Mam, and was always successful in effecting cures. " I
never saw his method fail," said my informant ; " and I have
often seen the swelling burst during the operation with the
hatchet !"
Donald Maceachan, an old cottar in South Morar, still pro-
fesses that he can cure, such swellings as I have described,
llecently I met him, and he was good enough to describe his
method. He learned the art in his youth, from an old man, and
has practised it from time to time ever since. Shortly before
1 There is a hill in Caignish called Cnap-Aisginis.
Gaelic Incantations. 165
my interview with him, he had cured a young man who had a
Mam on the thigh — am bac na sleisde — and that so speedily that
on the day after the operation no trace of the swelling was left !
In Arisaig and Morar the number of Mams mentioned is nine,
and not twenty-four, as in CSlonsay. There is no reference to the
Great Mam of Jura, to which so much importance is attached in
the Colonsay formula. All the Mams mentioned are in Knoydart ;
and Maceachan, in order to convince me of the accuracy of his list,
stated that he himself had lived for a long time in that district,
and took a special note of the Mams mentioned in his formula.
His own words were — " Bha mi-fhein a' fuireach fada ann an
Cnoideart 's chum mi beachd air na Maim." Like the Psalmist,
he well might say —
" I to the Hills will lift mine eyes,
From whence doth come mine Aid /"
The method of " apportioning the Mam " in Arisaig and Morar
was as follows : — The edge of the axe was placed, in the name of
the Trinity, on the swelling. Lifting the axe, the operator then
struck its edge into a block of wood — generally the door-step
(maide-buinn or stair&neach)— at the same time saying, " So air
Mam-Chlach-ard" — i.e., " This part of the swelling I apportion to
Mam-Chlach-ard " — and so on, until each of the nine hills men-
tioned in the formula received its due portion ! If one recital did
not prove successful, the rite might be performed two or three
times.
The following is the formula as practised by Donalq
Maceachan : —
1. Tha mi 'cur so air Mam-Chlach-ard [above Loch-Nevis].
2. Tha mi 'cur so air Mam-Uchd [Knoydart].
3. Tha mi 'cur so air Mam-Uidhe [Knoydart].
4. Tha mi 'cur so air Mam-Bharasdail [Knoydart].
5. Tha mi 'cur so air Mam-Eadail [Knoydart].
6. Tha mi 'cur so air Maman-Odhar [Knoydart].
7. Tha mi 'cur so air Mam-Suidheag [Knoydart].
8. Tha mi 'cur so air Mam-Unndulainn [Knoydart].
9. Tha mi 'cur so air Mam-Lidh [Knoydart].
AN TROMA-LAIDHE, OR NIGHTMARE.
The following is a Charm against Nightmare, or Troma-laidhe.
It was to be said as soon as the person awoke : —
166 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Aisling a chunnaic mi 'n geilt,
Thug Criosd oirre deagh bhreith ;
Dh'innis Peadar i do Ph61,
'S thubhairt P61 gum bu mhath.
Translated —
A dream I saw in fear —
Christ passed on it good judgment ;
Peter told it to Paul,
And Paul said it was well.
The above is from Barra. Here is a similar one from the Arran
Islands, Galway : —
An Triur is sine, an Trim* is 6ige,
An Triur is treise i bh-Flaitfcis na G16ire —
An t-Athair, an Mac, 's an Spiorad Naomh,
Do m' shabhail 's do m' ghardail o nocht go
d-ti bliadhain,
Agus an riochd fein. An ainm an Athar, &c.
Translated —
The Three oldest, the Three youngest,
The Three strongest in the Heaven of Glory,
The Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit,
To pave and guard me from to-night for a year,
And to-night itself. In nomine Patris, &c.
SPRAINS.
Eolais for sprains are numerous, and are known as Solas an
t-sniomh, or Solas air sgiuchadhfeithe. They were applied in the
ease of man, and also in the case of the lower animals. The
performer took a worsted thread in his or her mouth, muttered the
Incantation, and tied the thread round the injured limb, where it
was kept until worn out. In Norse mythology, we have an
account of Woden's adventure with his steed, which slides and
wrenches its joint, till successive Galdersongs, or Charms, restore
it. It was the same idea with the Highland Charms, Christ, and
sometimes St Columba or St Bridget, being mentioned as the
author of the cure. Here is a specimen from Uist :—
Dh' eirich Criosda moch
Maduinn bhriagha mach ;
Chunnaic e cnamhan 'each
Air am bristeadh ma seach ;
Gaelic Incantations. 167
Chuir e cnaimh ri cnaimh,
Ohuir e smuais ri smuais,
Chuir e feoil ri feoil,
Agus feith ri feith ;
Chuir e craicionn ri craicionn ;
Mar a shlanaich Criosda sin
Gu 'n slanaich mise so.
Translated —
Christ arose early and went forth
One fine morning,
He beheld his horses' bones
Broken cross-wise.
He put bone to bone ;
He put marrow to marrow ;
He put flesh to flesh ;
He put sinew to sinew ;
And put skin to skin.
As Christ healed these,
May I heal this.
The following is a version of the Eolas from Loehbroom : —
Chaidh Criosda mach
'S a' mhaduinn mhoich,
'S fhuair e casan nan each,
Air am bristeadh mu seach.
Chuir e cnaimh ri cnaimh,
Agus feith ri feith,
Agus feoil ri feoil,
Agus craicionn ri craicionn ;
'S mar leighis Esan sin,
Gu 'n leighis mise so.
Translated —
Christ went forth
In the early morn
And found the horses' legs
Broken across,
He put bone to bone,
Sinew to sinew,
Flesh to flesh,
And skin to skin ;
And as He healed that,
May I heal this.
168 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Here ie another version from Uist : —
Dh' eirich Calum-Cille moch,
Fhuair e ciiamhan a chuid each
Gas mu seach
Chuir e cnaimh ri cnaimh,
Feoil ri feoil.
Feithean ri feithean,
Seiche ri seiche,
Smuais ri smuais ;
A' Chriosd mar leighis Thu sid,
Gu 'n leighis Thu so.
It is unnecessary to translate this Incantation. It is in effect
the same as the two preceding ones, wjth this difference that St
Columba takes the place in the latter taken by Christ in the two
former. It is noteworthy that the healing of broken bones by St
Columba is mentioned by Adamnau in his Life of the Saint. The
holy virgin Maugina, daughter of Daimen, who lived in Clochur,
we are there told, when returning from Mass, stumbled and broke
her thigh quite through. Columba ordered a disciple named
Lugaid to visit her. As Lugaid was setting out on his journey,
the Saint gave him a little box, made of pine, saying — " Let the
blessed gift which is contained in this box be dipped in a vessel
of water when thou comest to visit Maugina, and let the water
thus blessed be poured on her thigh : then at once, by the invoca-
tion of God's name, her thigh-bone shall be joined together and
made strong, and the holy virgin shall recover perfect health."
Lugaid carried out his master's directions, and we are told that in
an instant Maugina was completely healed by the closing up of the
bone. — (See Vita Sancti Columbce, Lib. II., cap. v.)
In connection with St Columba's directions to Lugaid, John
Roy Stuart's " Prayer " may be mentioned. Stuart sprained his-
ankle after the battle of Culloden, and while hiding from the Red-
coats composed the verses known as " Urnaigh Iain Ruaidh "
("John Roy's Prayer"). According to this prayer, his ankle was
to be cured by the Charm which St Peter made for St Paul. Seven
Paters, in the name of Priest and Pope, were to be applied as a
plaster ; while another Charm was to be applied in the name of the
Virgin Mary, all-powerful to cure the true believer.
Ni mi 'n ubhaidh rinn Peadar do Phal
'Sa luighean air fas-leum bruaich ;
Seachd Paidir 'n ainm Sagairt a's Pap
Gaelic Incantations. 169
Ga chur ris na phlasd mu 'n cuairt.
Ubhaidh eile as leath Moire nan Gras
'S urrainn creideach dheanamh slan ri uair.
— Vide Mackenzie's " Beauties of Gaelic Poetry," p. 268.
Our Norse neighbours in Orkney and Shetland also had their
Charms for the cure of sprains. The thread used was called the
" wristing thread," and the Incantation was as follows : —
Our Saviour rade.
His fore-foot slade,
Our Saviour lighted down ;
Sinew to sinew — joint to joint.
Blood to blood, and bone to bone,
Mend thou in God's name !
Another Orkney formula was as follows : —
A. thread, having on it nine knots, was tied round the sprained
part. As the thread was being tied the following Incantation was
muttered —
Nine knots upo' this thread
Nino blessings on thy head ;
Blessings to take away thy pain
And ilka tinter of thy strain.
ST COLUMBA AS THE PATRON OF CATTLE.
At the commencement of this paper I mentioned that in Uist
the Eolais there used were attributed to St Columba. The Saint's
name is mentioned in one of the versions of the Eolas for a Sprain
above given. In the Western Islands St Columba appeared to
have been regarded as the patron of cattle. When a man spoke to
a neighbour about the neighbour's cattle, he said —
Gu'n gleidheadh Calum-Cille dhuibh iad.
(May St Columba protect them for you).
As a woman' left her cattle on the hill-side to graze she
waved her hand towards them, saying —
" Buachailleachd Dhia 's Chalum-Chille oirbh."
(May the herding and guardianship of God and St Columba
be on you).
An Eriskay woman used to address her cattle —
Gu'm bu duinte gach slochd
JS gu'm bu reidh gach cnoc —
Buachailleachd Chalum-Chille oirbh.
Gus an tig sibh dhachaidh.
170 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Translated—
May each pit be closed,
And each hillock be plain ;
Columba's herding on ye
Till home ye return.
We have also the following saying regarding St Columba's
day —
Diardaoin, La 'Ille Chaluhn Chaoimh,
Latha chur chaorach air seilbh,
Gu deilbh, 's gu cur ba air laogh.1
Translated—
Thursday, gentle Saint Columba's Day.
The day to put sheep to pasture
To warp, and cow to calf.*
Adamuau tells us of the Saint blessing cattle, and their
number increasing. Nesan, a poor man, who entertained Columba
for the night, had five heifers. " Bring them to me that I may
bless them," said the Saint. They were brought. He raised his
holy hand, blessed them, and said — " From this day thy five little
heifers shall increase to the number of one hundred and five cows."
Anotbdr poor man, named Columban, had five small cows. They
too were blessed by the Saint, and thereafter increased to one
hundred and five ! — Vide Book II., chapters xx. and xxii;.
Another cattle blessing was as follows : —
'Siubhal monaidh, 'siubhal coille,
Siubhail gu reidh, fada, farsuinn ;
Buachaille Mhoire fo d' chois,
'S gu'm bu slan a thig thu as !
Translated —
Travelling mountain, travelling wood,
Travel freely, far and wide ;
Mary's herdsman by thy feet,
And safely may thou hither come !
The following is a more elaborate version of it, and is called
Rann Suachailleachd, or Herding Incantation.
'Siubhal monaidh, 'suibhal coille,
Siubhail gu reidh, fada, farsuinn,
Banachaig Phadruig mu'r casan
1 Among the peasantry in Shetland marriages almost invariably take place
on Thursday.
Gaelic Incantations. 171
Gus am faic mise slan a ri'sd sibh
An sian a chuir Moire mu 'buar
Moch a's anmoch 's a tighinn bhuaith ;
Ga'n gleidheadh bbo pholl 's bho eabar,
Bho fheith 's bho adharcaii a cheile,
Bho lionadh na creige-ruaidhe
'S bho luaths na Feinne.
Banachaig Phadruig mu'r casan
Gu'm a slan a thig sibh dhachaidh.
Translated —
Traversing hills, traversing woods,
And (while) grazing far and near,
[May] St Patrick's milkmaid attend yon
Till I see you well again ;
[And may] the Charm made by Mary for her cattle,
Early and late going to and coming from the pasture
Protect you from pit and quagmire,
From fens or morasses, and from each other's horns ;
From the filling of the red rock [the rose or swelling
of the udder ?]
And from the swift-footed Fingalians.
May St Patrick's milkmaid attend your footsteps,
And scatheless may you again come home.
Akin to the foregoing is the
Orra-Gleidheadh Spreidhe.
It was as follows —
Cuiridh mise 'n spreidh so romham
Mar a dh' orduich High an Domhain,
Moire ga 'n gleidheadh o fheith nan coimheach,
Air thus, a Bhride mhin, bi mar riu?
Le d' bhata 's le d' lorg bi rompa,
'S gu'n glacadh tu clur as d' fholt,
0 rim i thu dhaibh eolas a's earal,
Ga 'n gleidheadh o chall 's o lochd,
0 bhathadh an allt 's o gharadh cam,
No o mhilleadh sluic.
A Bhride mhin, fagam agad,
Moire tilleadh thugam
Le leas Dhia 's Chalum-Chille,
Casan cuiribh fothaibh, •
'S drochaid Mhoire rornhaibh.
172 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
In the following Charm noted from an old Lochbroom man we
have St Columba's cure of the cattle disease known as
An Tairbhean.
An t-eolas a rinn Calum-Cille
Dh' aona bho na caillich.
Cas air muir, cas air tir,
Cas eile 'sa' churachan.
Air mhial, air bhalg,
Air ghalar dearg, air thairbhein.
An tairbhean a tha na do bhroinn
Air an ailbhinn l sin thall, 2
Slainte dhut, a bheathaich !
Translated — ^
The Charm made by St Columba
For the old wife's only cow.
One foot on the sea, one foot on land,
And another foot in the corracle.
Against worm, against swelling,
Against red disease (strangury 1} and tairbhean.
May the tairbhean that's in your body
Go to yonder hard stone.
Health to you, beastie !
We often have St Columba presented to us with one foot on
land and the other on the sea, suggesting his sway over sea and
land — per mare per terram. According to the foregoing, we have
the Saint with three feet — one on the sea, one on the land, and a^
third in the corracle !
A more elaborate version of the Eolas is given by me in Vol.
VIII. of the Gaelic Society's Transactions. It is as follows : —
An t-Eolas a rinn Calum-Cille
Dh' aona bh6 na caillich ;
Bha cas Chalum-Chille ''s a' churachan,
'S a chas eil' air tir : —
A thairbhein, a thainig thar chuan
'S o bhun na talmhainn fada thall —
Air mhial air bhalg,
1 My informant explained ailbhinn as " A' chreag a's cruaidhe th' aon " —
(the hardest rock there is). He said it was to be found in the desert, and was
so hard "that blood alone would, soften it !' " Aill" is an old Celtic word,,
signifying a cliff or rock.
• Here mention the name of the beast — Niseag, Blarag, or whatever it may
be.
Gaelic Incantations. 173
Air ghalar dearg,
A lughdachadh do bhuilg ;
'S a mharbhadh do mhial,
A mharbhadh fiolan fionn,
A mharbhadh fiolan dorm,
A mharbhadh blast do leann,
A mharbhadh an tairbhein.
Gu'm faigh thn leasachadh —
Aghachain, tog do cheann.
Translated —
The charm that Columba wrought
For the old wife's only cow ;
Columba's one foot was in the coracle
Arid the other on land : —
Thou tairbhean that earnest over sea
And from the foundations of the earth far beyond ;
Against worm, against swelling,
Against the red disease ;
To reduce thy swelling,
And to kill thy worm ;
To kill the white iiescock,
To kill the brown nescock,
To kill the worm in thy bile,
To kill the tairbhean.
May thou get relief;
Heifer, raise up thine head.
Sealmachas.
The following JEolas is for Sealmachas. Macalpine, in the list
of Orras already given, calls it " Seamlachas." When a cow lost
her calf, she refused to give her milk, or allow the calf of another
cow to suck her. This Orra was said to induce her to give her
milk, or allow the calf of another to suck her. Here again we have
St Columba mentioned. The Solas was as follows : —
An t-Eolas a rinu Calum-Cille
Dh'aona bho na caillich,
Air thabhairt a' bhainne
'N deigh marbhadh a laoigh ;
Bho fheithean a droma
Gu feithean atarra
'S bho fheithean a tarra
Gu feithean a taobh,
174 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Bho bhun a da chluaise,
Gu smuais a da leise,
Air thabhairt a' bhaimje
'N deigh marbhadh a laoigh.
Translated —
The charm that St Columba wrought
For the old wife's only cow,
For the giving of the milk
After the killing of her calf ;
Be from the veins of her back
To the veins of her belly,
From the veins of her belly
To the veins of her side,
From the roots of her two ears
To the joints of her ttvo thighs,
For the giving of the milk
After the killing of her calf.
In the following Irish Charm, from Mr O'Faherty, we have
St Columba similarly presented to us : —
Ortha a chuir Columb Cille
Do bho giolla an t-sonais.
Ta mo chos air rnhuir agus mo chos air tir.
A Righ ta ar Neimh foir ar m-boin
Agus bun teanga na laoigh.
Teiridh a bhaile a's beidh si slan !
Translated —
The Charm sent by St Columba
For the cow of the Servitor of Peace —
My foot is on the sea and my foot is on land ;
0 King, who art in Heaven, succour the cow,
And take the calf under your protection.
Come home, cow, and be well.
JRann Leigheas Galair Cruidh.
In the following Eann Icigheas galair cruidh, we have Christ
and his Apostles instead of St Columba : —
Criosd is Ostail is Eoin,
An Triuir a's binne gloir,
A dh' eirich a dheanamh na h-ortha,
Koimh dhorus na cathrach,
No air glun deas do Mhic.
Gaelic Incantations- 175
Air na mnathan mur-shuileach,
Air na fearaibh geur shuileach,
'S air na saighdean sitheadach,
Dithis a' lasachadh alt agus ga'n adhachadh
Agus triuir a chuireas mi an urra riu sin.
An t-Athair, 's am Mac, 's an Spiorad Naomh,
Ceithir ghalara fichead an aoraibh duine 's beathaich,
Dia ga 'n sgiobadh, Dia ga 'n sguabadh
As t' fhuil a's t' fheoil, 's a d' chnamh 's a d' smuais,
'S mar thog Criosda meas air bharra gach crann,
Gu 'm b' ann a thogas E dhiotsa
Gach suil, gach gnu 's gach farm ad,
O'n la 'n diugh gu latha deireannach do shaoghail.
Tranalated —
Christ and his Apostles and John,
The Three of most excellent glory,
That ascended to make supplication
Through the gateway of the city,
Fast by the right knee of God's own Son.
As regards evil-eyed flit., wall-eyed] women,
As regards sharp-eyed men ;
AS regards swift-speeding elf-arrows,
Two to strengthen and renovate the joints,
And three to back (these two) as sureties,
The Father, the Son, the Holy Ghost.
Four-and-twenty diseases to which man and beast are
subject ;
God utterly extirpate, sweep away, and eradicate them
From out thy blood and flesh, thy bones and marrow,
And as Christ uplifted its proper foliage [fruit]
To the extremities or the branches on each tree-top,
So may he uplift from off and out of thee
Each (evil) eye, each frowning look, malice and envy,
From this day forth to thy last day on earth. Amen.
STRANGURY.
The next Eolas I will submit to you is Eolas a' Mhun-deirg, or
strangury in cattle. The performer measured the animal's spine
with the thumb and fore-finger, and at the same time repeated
the following Incantation thrice : —
Mar a ruitheas amhuinn fhuar,
'S mar a mheiltheas (bhleitheas) muileann luath,
Stad air t-fhuil a's ruirh ar t-fhual.
176 Gaelic Society of Irwerness.
Translated —
As runs a cold river,
As a swift mill grinds,
Let thy blood stop, and thy urine flow.
Another Uist version is as follows : —
A bhean sin 's a bhean bhalbh,
Thainig thugainn a tir nam marbh ;
A rug air a choire 'na cruth,
Fuasgail an dubh 's lig an dearg.
A PANACEA FOR ALL ILLS.
The following was a cure for all the ills that flesh is heir to :—
Ola cas easgainn,
Bainne-cich circe,
A's geir mheanbh-chuileag,
Ann an adharc muice,
Agus ite cait ga shuathadh ris.
Translated —
' Oil from an eel's foot,
Milk from a hen's teat,
The tallow of midges
(Compounded) In the horn of a pig,
And rubbed to the part with a feather from a
cat's wing !
The above was as potent as " An t-ian a thig a ubh coilich,
sgriosaidh e 'n saoghal ! — (The chicken that will come out of a
cock's egg can destroy the world).
The Irish formula for the cure of whooping-cough is somewhat
similar to our panacea. If a relative of the invalid saw a man
pass on horseback, he was to be accosted thus : —
" A ghiolla an eich bhain cad a liaghfadh an trioch f
" Bainne cich circe agus e bhleoghan an adharc muice,
Agus cleite cait a chur ga shuathadh !"
Translated—
"0 rider of the white steed, what will cure the whooping-
cough T
" Milk from a hen's teat, milked into the horn of a pig,
And rubbed on with a cat's feather."
Gaelic Incantations. 177
Another Irish cure for the whooping-cough is as follows : — The
-god-father buys a red thread, of about two feet in length, knots it
into a circle or collar, and puts it round the neck of the god-child.
This is supposed to relieve the latter !
AMBIGUOUS INCANTATIONS.
Occasionally one meets not only with obscure phrases, but also
with whole Incantations, the meaning of which is far from clear.
Here is one : —
Uisg' an Easain
Air mo dhosan.
Tog dhiom do rosad
'S aghaidh fir an cabhaig orm !
Will any learned Gael explain its meaning and purpose ?
THE BLESSINGS.
I have dwelt at such length on Charms intended for
cures, etc., that my observations on Blessings and Miscel-
laneous Charms must be very brief. There were ceremonies
.and blessings for all the more important duties engaged in.
When the cattle were sent to the sheilings in the early summer,
there were Blessings suitable for the occasion. Specimens of these
are given in the paper on " Old Hebridean Hymns," contributed
by Mr A. A. Carmichael to Lord Napier's Report (Royal Com-
mission, Highlands and Islands, 1883).
The Blessing of the Boats was a ceremony regularly observed
in the Outer Islands ; but the old Gaelic Blessings appear to be
now forgotten. Bishop Carsewell gives a Boat Blessing (Modh
Beandaighthe luinge ag dul diondsaidhe na fairrge) in his Gaelic
translation of the Liturgy of John Knox: and the manner of
Alexander Macdonald's " Beannachadh" of the Birlinn of Clan
Ranald indicates that such Blessings were common in his time.
In the Ritual of the Church of Rome there is a Blessing for a New
Ship — " Benedictio Novce. JVavis" — and this Blessing is regularly
attended to in the Catholic parts of the Hebrides. The ceremony
is quite a short one. The priest goes on board the new boat, says
the Benedictio, and sprinkles the boat with Holy Water. This
ceremony is repeated every time there is a change in the crew.
The Barra fishermen always carry a bottle of Holy Water in
the prow of the boat, and a Blessed Candle in the cabin. When
in danger they sprinkle themselves and boat with Holy Water,
..and, lighting the Blessed Candle in the cabin gather round it on
12
178 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
their knees and say their prayers. In throwing out the long lines,
and nets, they do so invoking the Three Persons of the Trinity.
According to Hibbert a somewhat similar practice prevailed
among the ancient Shetlanders. A layman assuming the role of
an ecclesiastic muttered certain religious Incantations over water.
The element was then named " Forespoken Water," and boats
were sprinkled with it, and limbs washed with it.
The fishing in Barra is annually inaugurated with religious
services in the Church on St Bride's Day — La Fheill Brighde ;
and until six years ago the fishing banks were distributed among
the various crews.1 The ceremony of distributing the banks was
carried on by means of casting lots, under the direction of the
priest. As the people left the Church, they chanted one of their
old Hymns : —
Athair, a Mhic, 's a Spioraid Naoimh,
Biodh an Tri-'u-Aon leinn a la' 's a dh-oidhoh'.
Air chul nan tomi, no air thaobh nam beann
Biodh ar Mathair leinn, 's biodh a lamh mu'r ceanii.
Translated—
0 Father, Son, and Holy Spirit,
May the Three-iii-One protect us night and day !
On the tossing billows or on the mountain,
May Mary's arm be our guard alway !
According to Hebridean tradition, a Celtic Saint blessed
Barra with these words — " Toradh mara gu tir a' Cuile Mhoire,"
implying that the produce of the ocean might be brought
from the Virgin Mary's private store-room to the shore. The sea
was regarded as the Virgin's Treasury, and when an unexpected
haul of fish was landed, it was observed it came from Cuile Mhoire,
or the secret store of the Virgin. Among boat names in Barra a
noticeable one may be mentioned, viz., " Maris Stella." Then
the devotional character of the Barra fisherman as he commences
his vocation for the season is well depicted in the following
beautiful hymn from Father Allan Macdonald's Collection?—
1 A similar practice formerly prevailed in parts of Shetland. Edmonston,
who published his " Zetland Islands" in 1809, informs us that the fishermen
of the Island of Burra, to the west of Scalloway, "divide the range of the
fishing ground ; and the occupier of a farm has generally also a particular spot
allotted to him on which he sets his lines."- -Vide Vol. I., p. 234.
Gaelic Incantations. 179
Dia 'bhith timchioll air an sgothaidh
Mu'n imich i gu doimhneachd mara :
Slig' air linne dhuinn a treuntachd,
Mur eil freasdal De ga faire.
Faiceamaid do shoillse, 'Mhoire,
'Nuair tha stoirm is oidhche 'gleac ruinn ;
Gur a tusa " Rcul na Mara," l
'S e faire 'n eigiunich do chleachdadh.
'Aingil ghil, dian thusa ml duinn,
'Threoraicheas ar siubh'l feadh gharbh-thonn :
Sgiath do churaim sgaoil mu'n cuairt duinn,
'Nuair chirmeas gruaim air gnuis na fairge.
Guidheamaid do thaic-sa, Theadair,
Gun thu :leigeil beud 'n ar caramh :
Chuireadh muinntir cuain na d' fhreasdal,
Teasruig sinn bho ascall mara.
Gur a buidhe dhuinn an cosnadh
'Bha na h-Ostail fhein a' cleachdadh ;
'S minig bha Mac De na'n cuideachd
'Cur an tuigse dhuinn a thlachd deth.
'Dhia, beannaich ar driamlach,
'N lion, 's gach irineal-glacaidh 'th' againn ;
lomain thuca mar is iomchaidh
Spreidh 'tha 'g ionaltradh 's an aigeann.
Beannaich thusa dhuinn ar curachd,
Cha'n urrainn nach tig cuibheas oirre ;
Gu'm meallarnaid a' Bheannachd Bharrach —
" Toradh mar' a Guile Mhoire !"
'Nuair a's fheudar dhuinn 'bhi tilleadh
Stiuir Thu cinnteach sinn gu cala.
Ma chuir Thu oirnne seach ar feuma
Cha'n fhaicear leinn an deirceach falamh.
Na leig thugainn bas le graide,
Orduich Sagart 'bhi m'ar timchioll ;
Naomhaich le d' Ola 's le d' Chorp sinn,
Mu'n teid anam bochd air iomrall.
1 " Maris Stella."
180 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
In connection with these religious services in Barra, it may be
mentioned that in some parts of Ireland the fishing season used to
be commenced by saying Mass on the ocean. The late A. M.
Sullivan describes this ceremony, as he witnessed it in his youth
at Bantry Bay. He says : —
" Few sights could be more picturesque than the ceremony by
which, in our bay, the fishing season was formally opened.
Selecting an auspicious day, unusually calm and fine, the boats,
from every creek and inlet for miles around, assembled at a given
point, and then, in solemn procession, rowed out to sea, the leading
boat carrying the priest of the district. Arrived at the distant
fishing-ground, the clergyman vested himself, an altar was impro-
vised on the stern-sheets, the attendant fleet drew around, and
every head was bared and bowed while thjj Mass was said. I have
seen this * Mass on the ocean' when not a breeze stirred, and the
tinkle of the little bell or the murmur of the priest's voice was
the only sound that reached the ear ; the blue hills of Bantry
faint on the horizon behind us, and nothing nearer beyond than
the American shore !" — (New Ireland).
There is a story told of a fisherman in one of the Western
Islands, whose prayer before going to sea was of a somewhat
different tone. He considered himself a very respectful man
(duine modhail), and addressed the Deity as Sibhse (You) instead
of the customary Tkusa (Thou). On one occasion when going to
sea, danger was anticipated, and he prayed —
" Ud a Thighearna Dhia, Ruin, na 'm biodh Sibh cho math a's
curam a ghabhail do Mhairi 's do Sheonaid ; ach a' Bhan-Diabhul,
nighean Phara Mhic-a'-Phearsain, deanadh i a roghainn : bithidh
fear eile aice ma 'g bi mise ithte aig na partain !"
Translated —
" 0 Lord God, my Beloved, if You would be so good as to take
the care of Mary and Jessie ; but that She-Devil, the daughter of
Peter Macpherson, let her take her choice : she will have another
kusband before I am eaten by the crabs !"
Mary and Jessie were his daughters. Needless to say the
" she-devil" was his wife.
CONCLUSION.
I feel that this paper has extended far beyond the limits
usually allowed, and that no matter how interesting the subject
may be in itself, I must now conclude. In doing so, I cannot
adopt more fitting language than that used by the Hebridean
peasant on finishing the labours of the day, and before retiring for
night. When smooring the fire he says —
Gaelic Incantations. 181
Smalaidh mise 'n nochd an teine,
Mar a smalas Mac Moire ;
Gu'm bu slan an tigh 's an teine,
Gu'm bu slan a' chuideachd uile.
Co bhios air an lar ?
Peadar agus Pal.
Co bhios air an fhaire nochd 1
Moire mhin-gheal 's a Mac.
Bial De a labhras,
Aingeal geal a db' innseas —
Aingeal an dorus an tighe,
Ga'r comhnadh 's ga'r gleidheadh
Gus an tig an solus geal a maireach.1
He then says the following Altachadh Laidhe, or Bed-going
Prayer : —
Tha mise nochd a dol a laidhe —
Ma's a bas dhomh anns a' bhas chadail.2
Gu'm b' ann air deas laimh Dhe 'dhuisgeas mi.
A Righ na h-ola firinnich
Na diobair sinn bho d' mhuinritearas,
A liuthad lochd,
A rinn mo chorp,
'S nach fhaod mi nochd a chuimhneachadh,
Dia agus Moire agus Micheil,
Bhi learn bho mhullach mo chinn,
Gu traighean mo bhuinn.
Guidheam Peadar, guidheam Pol,
Guidheam Moire Oigh 's a Mac,
Guidheam an da Ostal deug,
Gu'n mi dhol eug gun 'ur leas.
1 The peasants of Connemara have a somewhat similar "smooring"
blessing. In Siamsa an Gheimhridh, at page 139, there is the following
prayer : —
An Phaidir a dcirtcar nig coiyilt na teinneadh roimh dul a, chodladh.
Coiglim-se an teinne seo mar choigil Criost ca"thach ;
Brighde faoi na bun agus Mac Muire in a lar ;
Na tri aingeala is mo cumhachd i g-cuirt na ngras
A' ctimhdach 's a coimheid an tigh seo 's a muinntir airis go la. Amen.
A version of the same Paidir from Cork is somewhat different —
Coiglim an teine so mar choigleann Criost cdch,
Muire air dha cheann an tighe, a's Brighde in a Idr,
Gach a bhfuil d'ainglibh 's de naomhaibh i gcathair na ngras
Ag cosant 's ag coimead lucht an tighe seo go Id.
2 In Ireland the expression " Bas cadalta na h-oidhche" is used.
182 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
On getting into bed he says the Altachadh Leapa, or Bed Prayer,
as follows * : —
Laidhidh mi nochd
Le Moire 's le 'Mac ;
'S le Brighde fo brat,
Le Domhnach nam feart,
Le Mathair mo Righ
Ga m' dhion bho gach lot ;
Cha laidh mi leis an olc ;
Cha laidh an t-olc learn ;
Eiridh mi le Dia
Ma's ceadach le Dia leigeil learn,
Deas-lamh Dhia
Is Chriosta gun robh leani ;
Crois nan Naomh 's nan AingCal learn,
Bho mhullach mo chinn
Gu traighean mo bhuinn
A chionn Dia agus Moire
A chuideachadh leam ;
A Righ, agus, a Mhoire ghloirmhor,
A Mhic na h-Oighe cubhraidh,
Saoir sinn bho phiantainean
'S bho thigh iosal dorcha duinte.
Dion ann a's as ar colunn
Ar n-anama bochda
A tha air fior chor-oisinn na firinn.
Guidheam Peadar, guidheam Pol,
Guidheam Moire Oigh 's a Mac,
Guidheam an da Ostal deug
Gu'n mi dhol eug gun 'ur leas.
M'anam a bhi air do laimh dheis a Thighearna ;
Bho 'n 's Tu a cheannaich e ;
Micheil Naomh a bhi 'n comhail m'anama
Nise agus aig uair mo bhais. Amen.
1 The Irish have a similar prayer. I quote it also from the Siamsa, and
is as follows :—
An Phaidir a deirtear 'nuair luighcas duine air a leabaidh.
Luigheam leat losa, agus go luidhidh tu Horn ;
Ola Chriost air m' anam, Cre na n-Abstol os mo chionn.
A Athair a chruthaigh me",
A Mhic a cheannaigh me,
A Spioraid Naoimh a bheannaigh me".
A Bhainrioghan na gile, a's a Bhainrioghan na h-6ige,
Tog me as na peacadhaibh agus cuir me air an eolas,
Agus cuir in mo chroidhe an aithrighe go silfead na dedra,
'S ma ta s^ i n-diin dam has d' fhaghail roimb rnhaidin,
I seilbh na glore go raibh m' anam. Amen.
Sutherland Place ttames. 183
30th MARCH, 1892.
At this meeting the following gentlemen were elected members
-of the Society, viz. : — Mr Alex. Crerar and Mr James Macdonald,
Kingussie ; Mr Ewen Kennedy, Newtonmore ; and Mr Alex.
Fraser, Clerk, High Street, Inverness. The paper for the evening
was contributed by Mr John Mackay, J.P., Hereford, entitled
" Sutherland Place Names — Parishes of Kildonan and Reay." Mr
Mackay's paper was as follows : —
* SUTHERLAND PLACE NAMES.
PARISH OF KILDONAX.
The general appearance of this parish, like many other parishes
in the county, is mountainous. The most elevated mountain,
Beinn-griam-Mor, has an altitude of 1934 feet above sea level.
Several others on the confines of the parish attain to higher altitudes.
Its inland boundary line is the water shed to the various rivers
and streams flowing south, north, east, and westwards. Its lakes
are numerous, forming reservoirs for its principal river, the High,
or as natives sometimes pronounce it, Uillie, into which all the
minor rivers and streams fall, frequently causing it to be subject to
inundations, and generally to have a fuller quantity of water in
it for more months in the year than many other rivers, thus afford-
ing, with the numerous lakes connected with it, the best trout
angling anywhere. The "High" river, following its sinuosities,
has a length of considerably over 30 miles, and in that distance
has only a fall of 770 feet.
The valley of the " High," or Kildonan Strath, comprises the
•chief arable land of. the parish. Into its upper portions a number
of small glens run down from the higher grounds, giving the whole
district a configuration somewhat resembling the form of a tree,
•of which the strath forms the trunk, and the converging glens, the
branches.
The area of the parish is 138,407 acres, of which 169 are fore-
shore and 3922 water. The predominant rocks are granite,
sylite, and gneiss. In 1869 gold was discovered in the Suisgill
Burn, about a mile above Kildonan, by a gold-digger returned from
Australia, causing great commotion, and attracting a number of
people to the spot. For a short time the gold-seekers were sucess-
f ul, but when the alluvial area of the Suisgill Burn was turned over,
-and washed by the diggers, the " find " of gold fell off, and farther
•operations abandoned without effectually trying whence the small
nuggets found had come. Many years ago a nugget found here
was presented to the Countess of Sutherland, made into a ring of
184 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
massive size, which is now in the possession of the present Duke.
The value of the gold found in 1869-70 has been estimated as high
as £10,000.
The soil of the Strath is light and fertile. The present Duke
of Sutherland, who is sole proprietor, reclaimed hundreds of acres
on the hill flanks of the Strath, at Kinbrace and Achintoul, 4001
and 500 feet above sea level, for the purpose of providing home
wintering for his sheep farms, but the costly operations have not
been attended with the anticipated success.
The whole of the native population of this parish concentrated
in Stra'-lligh, and in the converging glens, was displaced, in fact
evicted ana expelled from their homes, from 1811 to 1819 for the
wanton purpose of forming the whole extent into huge sheep
farms. Those of the population unable to emigrate to America,
the only home of colony refuge theii^Sn vogue, wrere located in
small plots of land of 2 to 3 acres on the hill flanks near the coast,
about Helmsdale and Portgower, to be reclaimed as best they
might, and livelihood obtained from the then supposed El-Dorado
of the sea. The result of this harsh proceeding was that a popula-
tion of 1574 in 1811 dwindled to 237 in 1821, when a few years,
thereafter Helmsdale, which previously formed part of the parish
of Loth, was annexed to Kildonan to equalise the population of
both, and obliterate the disparity caused by the ill-advised and
cruel evictions.
There are still remaining in the Strath of Kildonan numerous
indications of a large population in very remote times, if Pictish
towers, tumuli, and hut circles be one, and in more recent days,
the " Kils " or " Cells " of the Christian missionaries be another.
At Kilpheder are two so-called Pictish towers, one on each side of
the High, said to be connected by an underground passage built
in masonry, and all round them cairns, tumuli, and hut circles.
At Kilearnan, further up the river, are other two similarly con-
nected and surrounded. At Kildonan and Learable are ancient
burial places and many tumuli ; at Suisgill, a Pictish tower, and
another in Strath Free, with the usual surroundings of cairns,
tumuli, and hut circles. At Kinbrace some more of the same
description. These surely indicate centres and locations of the
population in prehistoric times. The " Kils " or " Cells," chapels
of the Christian missionaries, indicate the same fact in more recent
days, such as Kilpheder, Kildonan, Kilearnan, Kilmuir, and
Kil-ninian, all of them established by the Culdee monks before, and
after, Columba's time, or dedicated to their memory.
The parish, when ecclesiastically formed, took its name from
the principal church situated in the middle of the Strath, founded
Sutherland Place Names. 185
there by the Culdee missionary, Donan, or one of his follower*
about the sixth century. In connection with this Culdee apostle,,
Mr Skene, in his chronicles of the Picts and Scots, gives a tragical
account of the martyrdom of Donan and fifty of his " muinnter"
or followers, by a band of pirates in the Island of Eigg in 617.
Probably enough these pirates were Scandinavians roaming in
quest of plunder years before they attempted settlements in the
islands, or on the mainland. It has been said that the Scandi-
navians had been incited to this course ot action by the Druid
priests who sought refuge in Norway from the North of Scotland
and the Orkneys; on account of the persecutions raised against
them by the missionaries of the new religion, in the hope of
extirpating these missionaries and regaining their own lost influ-
ence. Be that as it may, the Norsemen, very soon after their
plundering expeditions, began to form permanent settlements in the
Hebrides and Sudereys, and upon the coasts of Caithness, and
finding, their way into Sutherland by land and sea, gradually
penetrated into the heights of Kildonan, taking possession, sub-
jecting the natives or driving them into the interior glens. Their
footprints still remain in Kildouan parish. The Orkneyinga Saga,
and Torfaeus, relate about the middle of the 12th century that these
redoubtable invaders held full control in Caithness and on the
coasts of Sutherland, as at that time even a Lady, Frakark, was
one exercising great influence in both counties, and had a seat at
Kinbrace, on the Hial mundal (Helmsdale), the daughter of a
wealthy man living at Bighouse on the North Coast. This lady
and her sister Helga were veritable amazons. Frakark was the
mother of another virago, a Countess of Athole. Native tradition
points out the ruins, of Frakark's seat at Kinbrace. The Saga
corroborates it, and records a tragical tale in connection with it.
At this very time there lived at " Lambaburg," now Freswick, a
remarkable man, celebrated as a pirate of the first class, named
Swein Asleifson (son of Asleif who was his mother); brave,1 astute,,
and of great strength, he had possessions in Caithness and the
Orkneys, and strongholds in both to which he carried his booty,
and made merry all the winter with his retainers and followers.
He made two expeditions every year. When absent he left one
of his chief men in care of each castle. The Lady Frakark con-
ceived some grudge against Swein. She instigated one of her
henchmen to assassinate Swein's man in Freswick, who made him-
self obnoxious to her. The deed was done. Swein on his return
was informed of all that had taken place. He was intensely
grieved at the loss of his man, he concealed his anger, but silently
186 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
vowed revenge. He knew Frakark's power and influential position.
He passed over to the Orkneys to lay his complaint before Earl
Rognvald, the lord superior of the Orkneys and Katenes, and repre-
sent to him the perfidious act committed by Frakark, in fomenting
quarrels and instigating assassinations. The Earl, desirous of
allaying Swein's anger, represented to him that Frakark was very
influential, and having so many followers it was much better to let
her alone and overlook what had been done, that he himself was
very adverse to fresh feuds being kindled, which would have very bad
results. Swein listened to all that the Earl advanced, but did
not seem satisfied. The Earl at last offered him ransom for the
loss of his man and assistance for his next expedition, on condition
that Frakark should not be molested. Swein feigned compliance.
A great feast was made to ratify the agreement. Next summer
'Swein asked the Earl for two ships, find on the Earl asking him
where he intended going, he told him to the coast of Scotland.
He obtained the ships and .sailed away. He made for th£ Moray
Firth, but sailed up the Ekkials-bakki (Oykel), landed the greater
part of the men, sent the rest with the ships to meet him at Fres-
wick. He at once procured guides, and struck into the centre of
Sutherland, then, turning to his right, came down Strath Free in
the twilight and near Kinbrace surprised Frakark's sentinels, over-
came all opposition, took and burnt the Castle with herself, her
sister Helga, and all who took refuge in it, laid it in ruins,
plundered all round, and made off to Freswick with a large booty.
The ruins of this castle are still to be seen near Kinbrace, and still
called " Carn Suine" (Swein's Cairn).
A younger brother of this celebrated pirate and vikingr, named
Gunni, is said to have been the progenitor of the Clan Gunn, as
bold and resolute a race of men as any in the Highlands, worthy
of their Norse origin. Gunni and his sons acquired considerable
possessions and great influence in Caithness on the decline of
Norse supremacy, which they maintained for several generations,
till the Keiths came into the country on the demise of Ronald
Cheyne, whose daughter a Keith had married. The territories of
the Keiths and Gunns adjoined. Feuds soon commenced between
them, and were carried on with varying success. In 1438 the
Keiths, obtaining the aid of the Mackays, who were ever ready for
a fray or a foray, overthrew the Gunns in a bloody conflict on the
Moor of Tannach, three miles from Wick, yet the feud still con-
tinued for many years, each striving to inflict as much loss as
possible on the other. In 1464, wearied with these incessant
broils, the Keith, says a Sutherland tradition, came one evening
Sutherland Place Names. 187
to the Gunn's residence, blew his horn, and demanded hospitality.
He was invited in and nobly entertained, the Gunn telling him he
was perfectly safe under his roof, notwithstanding the difference
between them. The Keith noticing twelve fine-looking stalwart
. men round the Gunn's table, asked who they were ; he was told by
the Cruner Mor Gunn that they were his sons, and equal to any
other twelve men m Caithness. Before they parted it was agreed
between the two chiefs that they should meet at a certain place on
a day agreed upon, on horseback, accompanied by their twelve
sons also on horseback, to arrange all disputes between them
peaceably, or failing so desirable a termination, to decide it with
the sword. The day arrived, the Gunns, father and sons, were the
first to arrive. The Keiths soon after came in sight, but on ap-
proaching nearer, the Gunns perceived that the Keiths had two
men on each horse. They at once suspected the Keiths were not
on a peaceful meeting bent, but they determined to stand their
ground. No sooner had they met than swords were drawn, and a
furious conflict began. Numbers prevailed. The Cruner Mor
Gunn and seven of his sons were slain. The Keiths suffered severely,
and after their victory retired to Dirlet, then held by the
" Ridear Dearg," a relation of the Earl of Sutherland, who enter-
tained them hospitably, and attended to their wounded. The
defeated Gunns retired some distance from the field, and watched
the direction taken by the Keiths. Three of the un wounded
Gunns followed them, and at night ?ame to Dirlet. Through an
open window Henry, the youngest son of the Cruner Mor, saw the
Keiths regaling themselves. He at once drew his bow and sent
an arrow straight into the breast of the Keith, exclaiming as he so
did, "lomachaiag na Qumnich gu Kaigh" (the Gunns' compli-
ments to the Keiths). The Keiths rushed to the door, the Gunns
planted themselves on each side of it and slew several of them as
they came out, but James, the eldest son of the Gunn, dissuaded
his other two brothers from continuing the fight, and drew away
in the dark. The younger brother Henry, who killed the Keith,
enraged at James for drawing away, upbraided him for his cowar-
dice in giving up a combat so favourable to a few in the darkness
of night. This led to other differences, which induced James to
remove from Caithness to Kildonan. From this James, the Chief
of the Gunns, acquired the patronymic of Mac Hamish (son of
James), while the Caithness Gunns altered their names to Robson,
Williamson, Henry son (Henderson).
Settled in Kildonan in the early part of the 16th century, the
Gunns became, under the Earl of Sutherland, Wardens of the
188 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Marches, a very risky title, but they proved themselves equal to
the risk and the danger. Such a resolute race inured to fight,
feud, and foray, provoked assaults as well as repelled them.
Raids and conflicts became continuous. They raided on the Mac-
kays, the Mackays upon them. When the foray was made into
Sutherland the Gunns were ready to aid in repelling them.
When it was a Sinclair invasion of Sutherland, the Gunns were
first to give warning and meet the enemy. In 1586, with the aid
of a party of the Mackays, they inflicted a severe defeat upon the
Sinclairs on the confines of Caithness. It became notable, which-
ever side the Mackays were on, won the victory. After the Mac-
kay Chief married the sister of the Earl of Sutherland, in 1589,
the Sinclairs declined in power, and the expulsion of the Gunns
from Caithness followed. Yet it was not till the first Lord Reay
became Chief of the Clan, in 1614,^;har Sutherland and Caithness
in some fashion settled mutual difference, to break out again by
the artifices of Sir Robert Gordon, who seemed determinedly bent
upon humbling the Sinclair Earls, and elevating the Sutherlands.
He played artfully with his nephew, Lord Reay, till he despoiled
him of a third of the possessions left to him by his father.
MOUNTAIN NAMES.
Ben-griam-mor — G., grim, giimeach, barren, rugged, the big
barren or rugged mountain ; the adjective, mor, applies more
specially to its greater extent of base, than to its greater altitude
above its near neighbour, Ben-griam-beg. An old Gaelic word,
griama, signifying lichen, suits the pronunciation (grime). I am
not aware that lichen grows upon it. The word griam may
probably be Norse, from grim, grima, hood, or mask, which would
be applicable enough in reference to its being frequently mist
capped, then the definition would be the " big mist capped
mountain," 1936 feet.
Ben-griam-beg — G. or N., the little mist capped, or mist
hooded mountain, 1903 feet ; it has a less area of base ; griam may
mean gloom, from gruaim, gloom, dark, sullen, cloudy. One who
knows these mountains well states, " In cloudy weather it is
interesting to watch how, when a cloud wraps one in its passage,
the other also soon puts on its mourning robe, as if from sheer
sympathy. They would, to the poetic imagination of the Celt,
appear like two mourners, and hence ' An da bheinn-ghruaim,' the
two mountains of gloom or clouds." The Norse signification given
presents the same aspect.
Sutherland Place Names. 189
Ben-Armuinn — G., beinn-oir-na-minn ; oir, limit, or border ;
minn, kids, the mcnuitaiii of the limit or border of the kids, where
kids could go no higher ; Ir., oir, Corn ; oir, limit, W. or Gr.,
•or-os, and our-a, limit, 2250 feet high.
Cnoc-na-maoile — G., maoile, baldness, the bald hill, 1315 feet,
in reference to its bare and smooth summit.
Cnoc-an-leat-mhor — G., cnoc-an-leathad-mhor ; leathad, side of a
hill, hill of the big .side, 1423 feet.
Cnoc-na-bo-riabhaich — G., hill of the brindled cow, 1194 feet.
Cnoc-na-fliuchary — G., fliuch, wet ; and airidh, sheiling, hill of
the wet sheiling, 1065 feet.
Cnoc-na-gear — G., cnoc-nan-gearr, hill of the hares, 1500 feet.
Cnoc-an-eireanaich — G., hill of the Irishman ; tradition states,
an Irishman, or one presumed to be Irish, had perished on this
hill ; more probably it is Cnoc-an-eibhrionaich, hill of the gelded
goats, 1698 feet high.
Cnoc-na-fiadha— G., hill of the deer, 1273 feet high.
Meall-a-bhealaich — G., the lumpy hill at the pass, or defile,
1105 feet ; bealach, a pass, ; W., bwlch, a defile.
Tor-n. -gour — G., gabhair, goat, or goats ; pro., in Sutherland,
gour, the goat hill, 973 feet high.
LAKE NAMES.
Loch-ascaig — 0. G., ascaig ; escaig, dim. of asc ; esc, little
stream or small brook, lake of the small stream ; asc, esc, esk, ask,
are British and Old Gaelic terms; Modern Gaelic, uisge, water ;
W., wysg, stream, current ; Corn, isg. It appears to have been as
common with the Caledonian Picts to apply uisge, asc, esc, to rivers
as it was with the Britons. In England these words have been
preserved in ax, ex, ox, as prefixes. There are several place names
in Sutherland, situated on small streams, ending with " seaig,"
contractions for asc-aig, esc-aig, as in native pronunciation Aber-
scaig, Shiberscaig, Overscaig, now corrupted to Aberscross, Shiber-
scross. Such place names appear to be remnants of the Caledonian
Pictish dialect.
Loch-na-Cuin — G., cuithean, snow wreaths, lake of the snow
wreaths.
Loch-a-chlar — G., clar, plain, flat, lake in the plain, or flat
laud.
Loch Altanearn — G., Alltan-an-fhearna, lake of the small
.stream flanked with alder woods.
Loch-bad-an-loch — G., bad-an-loch, thicket of, or, in the lake.
A small peninsula juts into this lake, upon which is a thicket, or
190 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
clump of shaggy birchwood ; bad, a thicket or clump of trees, is
the initial syllable of many place names in Sutherland and other
Highland counties where a house or hamlet is near it. Here up
to 1812 was a large hamlet. See Place Names. This lake is the
largest in the parish. On each side of this beautiful expanse of
water rise lofty mountains — Ben-Chlibric in the west, Ben-Armuinn
on the south, Ben-Griam on the north-east, and in the distance to
the north-west is seen Ben-Loyal, blue on the horizon, with its
serrated ridge and cliffy sides.
Loch-na-mon — G., rnoine, peats, peatmoss, lake of the peat-
moss.
Loch-an-Abb — G., abba, abbot, the Abbot's lake. See Kil-
donan.
Loch Traderscaig — O.G., truic^ stripe, battle, air ou, and,
scaig contraction for escaig, dim. of esc., small stream. Truder-
scaig and Halmadary adjoining, were extensive hill grazings at
the back of Ben Armuinn on the confines of Strathnavar and Kil-
donan. No doubt many a conflict took place around this lake
between the natives and the Norse reivers, and, more recently,
between the Aberach Mackays, to whom these grazings belonged,
and the Kildonan and Caithness " cattle lifters," hence the appel-
lation, lake of the strife on the little stream. Truderscaig and
Halmadary frequently appear in Mackay Charters.
Loch-leam-a-chlamhan — G., learn, leap, spring, bound, and
clamhan, kite, buzzard, vulture, lake of the leap of the vulture.
This lake is situated between the Griam-Mor and Griam-Beag
mountains, the leap applies to the flight of the vulture across the
lake from one side to the other. Its banks are noted as the scenes
of a severe conflict between the Strathnaver Mackays and the
Sutherlands and Gunns. The Mackays had made a raid into Kil-
donan and carried away a lot of cattle. They were overtaken by
a strong body of the Sutherland men under the command of the
redoubtable Mac Hamish, Chief of the Gunns in Kildonan. The
Mackays had enough to do to hold their own and secure the
spoil. The cattle were sent on while the rest of the party faced
their infuriated pursuers. The Mackays boldly faced the onset
and were severely handled, losing many of their best men, and
were ultimately forced to retire through " Bealach nan Creach "
(pass of the spoils). Coming to an advantageous position they
turned on their pursuers, and when the action was again about to
commence, a party of the Abrach Mackays made their appearance
on the scene, when the Sutherlands and Gunns were compelled to
retreat faster than they advanced, aad were in turn pursued
Sutherland Place Names. 191
through Bealach nan Creach, losing the greater part of their force.
The spoil being thus secured, it was taken to Achness the same
evening and placed in the fold, to which there was no door or gate,
but a sentry was placed in the doorway to keep the cattle in.
Among the cattle was a big fierce bull, which did not at all relish
being in confinement, he became very unmanageable, and seemed
to resent his being taken away from his native pasture. The bull
constantly eyed the opening by which he had been driven in. He
roared and pawed the ground, and, at last, charging the sentry,
gored and killed him. The way being now clear, the bull made
off, followed by the whole of the cattle, and before morning were
back to their own favourite pasturage.
RIVER NAMES.
Alt-ach-na-h-uai — G., stream of the field of the graves. Here
was a meeting house, or place of worship, of a very primitive style
of architecture. It was built of alternate layers of stone and turf,
the roof made of birch couples, birch purlins, birch rafters, and
covered with birch brushwood and divots, overlaid with a thin
layer of straw kept on by heather ropes. The seats were of bog
fir. Round about it was the bury ing-place. Till 1812 it was the
centre of a numerous population — Gunns and Gordons, Suther-
lands and Mackays, lusty, hardy, brave men.
Alt-garv-mor — G., Allt-garbh-mor, the big, rough, and rapid
stream.
Alt-garv-beag — G., the small rough stream ; garbh, applied to
rivers and streams, implies rapidity as well as roughness. The
Garonne (garbh-amhuinn) in the south of France is both rapid and
rough in its course. Here is a footprint of the Celtic language in
the south of Europe — All river names in France the terminal
letters of which are net are of Celtic origin, Rhone, Rhine, Marne,
Seine, and are simply contractions in pronunciation.
Altaridh-dhaimh — G., stream of the deer grazing.
Alt-chinbrace — G., allt, stream ; chin, gen. of ceann, end or
head ; and phris gen. plural of preas, a bush ; pris, bushes. See
place names.
Free — G., frith, forest, hill sides, deer forest ; this river rises in
a district once the resort of deer, six miles westward of the High,
into which it falls near Kinbrace. The little Strath, formed by
the flow of the Frith, is said to have been well wooded in ancient
times. In the Sagas recording the deeds of the Norsemen in
Kateness, it is stated that when Sweine, as previously mentioned,
made his onslaught on the Lady Frakark in Kinbrace, some of
192 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
her men took refuge in the adjoining woods, and concealing them-
selves in them, escaped slaughter. The tragic event occurred
-about 1150. No woods exist now in Strath Free nor near
Kinbrace, though a great deal of moss fir used to be dug up in the
mosses on the flank of this little valley previous to the eviction
year of 1812. Probably wood was the fuel used previous to peat.
Tt is recorded in the Sagas that one of the Orkney Earls was called
*' Torf Einar," from having shown the natives that turf made good
fuel, signifying Einar, the turf man. <
High — O.G., pro. illie and uillie, signifies plenty or abundance
of water ; cognate with lighe, flood, still a common term in Suther-
land for full water in a river or stream. There is a Welsh word,
llif, flood, pro. thliv, the double 1, pro. like th and single f, like v
in English. This British word seems^to be the same as the Cale-
donian one, lighe, and is another instance of the affinity between
the two dialects of the Celtic language. Many such instances are
apparent to the student of both. The cause of the abundance of
water in this river has been previously described. The parish is
sometimes still spoken of as Sgire High, and the valley as Stra-
Illie. The township at its mouth is still known in Gaelic as Bun-
illie, the lower part or mouth of the High. The river is no doubt
the " lle-a" of Ptolemy, and the " Ila" of Richard of Cirencester.
It is also the Hjalmundal of the Norse Sagas, though Hjalmundal
refers more particularly to the mouth of the river, where the
Norsemen landed and found a village existing then as now. See
place names. The words High, lighe, may be accepted as remnants
ot the Pictish Gaelic, of which there are many in Sutherland Pits,
Pets, nidh, the 1 itter the " gwy" of the British or Welsh.
Tuarie — G., tuath, north, and ruith, or ruigh, slope, the trend
of the river and its acclivities northwards, tuath-ruigh, northward
trend from the High into which it falls. W., rhiw, slope at a hill
foot, common in Welsh topography. In Sutherland it is quite as
common, and still preserved in the old form, Rhi (in place names),
as the Cymry have it. Reidh is a plain, frequently confounded with
Ruigh, slope, trend, declivity :>r acclivity as the position of the
observer may be. There are several other rivers in this parish
named after the township by which they flow. We shall find them
in place name^s.
PLACE NAMES.
Ach-an-eccan — G., achadh-an-fhaicinn, the field of observa-
tion, from the fact that from this place a view is obtained north,
east, south, west, points of danger in raiding times, up and down
Strath Hligh, eastwards towards Caithness, west towards the much
dreaded Mackays.
Sutherland Place Names. 193
Ach-in-dun — G., achadh-an-duin, the field of the mound, or
tower ; there are here the ruins of a Pictish tower.
Ach-na-Moine — G., field of the peat moss, hamlet, and river
names.
Ach-rimistal — G. and N., achadh, and raumsdal, name given
by Norwegians who settled here from, Raumsdal in Norway, being
there to this day a district and river name.
Ach-rintle — G., achadh, raoin-an-t-sabhail, the field in the plain
of the barn.
Ach-iii-toul — G., achadh-an-t-sabhail, the barn field.
Ach-hemisgach — G., achadh sheamais-gaothach, James' windy
or wind exposed field. At the upper end of this plot of land is a
rock with the form of a cross engraved upon it. The name of the
adjoining wood is Coille Cill-mhuire, the wood of Mary's cell, a
place of gieat sanctity, and a sanctuary in the pre-Reformatioii
times.
Ach-an-t-shamradh — G., the summer, or pleasant field. On
this spot can still be seen the foundation of a Highland cottage,
once the abode of " Donald Direach," " Donald the straight or
just," one of the most eminent of the "men" of Sutherland, 1740
to 1768, a race of men useful in their day, now dying out.
Ach-na-nighean — G., the field of the maidens. A weird legend
is connected with this field. Here, for many years, lived and
worked the only blacksmith in the parish. Near the smithy is
the only entrance to one of those singular subterranean passages
to be found in the northern districts of Scotland. This passage is
a most remarkable one. The entrance is built upon each side of
solid masonry, and finished at top by a huge stone lintel which
not twenty men of modern days could raise a foot from the
ground. The doorway is half filled with rubbish. A few yards
further in the interior is a sort of chamber wider than the entrance
by five feet ; further progress is stopped by the falling in of the
roof, which is quite apparent by a deep hollow on the surface out-
side. The passage is continued towards the river High, in a
north-westerly direction, and carried under the river, as has been
ascertained by the removal of a few flags close by the river bank,
where the passage was discovered 400 yards from the entrance.
Also on a woody eminence is the township of Liriball, and, accord-
ing to tradition, at this place the passage terminates. The
following legendary tale is told in connection with this passage : —
Two calves browsing on the field near the eastern entrance
began to skip about and chase each other, until at last the one
after the other ran in at the opening, and there being then no
13
194 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
obstruction, the calves pursued their way inside. Their entrance
into the cave was noticed by two girls engaged in looking after
the cattle, and they both at once rushed after the calves to take
them back. The girls kept together till they had got to nearly
the middle of the passage, when the foremost in pursuit, along
with the calves, suddenly disappeared and were never more heard
of. The other girl, horror struck, went on groping her way in the
darkness until she found her further progress prevented by the
termination of the passage. Feeling about with her hands she
found that she was in a chamber of considerable size, but low and
roofed with flags. About the middle of the roof she found that
one flag was more inoveable by the pressure of her hand ; she also
heard the sound of voices above her. Exerting all her strength to
raise the loose flag, she at the same time screamed for help. As
the story goes, this subterranean chamber was situated precisely
imder the hearth of one of the tenants of Liriball. who at the
time the cry was uttered and the hearth stone disturbed, was with
his wife and family quietly seated at the fireside. The cry from
below and the earthquake movement came upon the man and his
family like a thunder clap. At once concluding it was a visit
from the spirits of the deep, they all started up, and in answer to
the poor, desperate girl's cries for help, they only uttered a roar
of terror and bolted from the house. The poor girl, desperate
with fear and animated with love of life and freedom from such a
dreadful adventure, at last succeeded in raising the hearth stone
and placing herself by the fireside. To the inmates of the house,
after their fears had subsided so far as to allow them to address
her, she gave an account of her adventures. Her lost companion,
it is said, was the daughter of a witch, who in an evil hour had
promised her daughter to the devil. Under the semblance of the
two calves the Evil One had come to claim his own. The place
was, in memory of the event, called Achadh-na-nighean, maiden's
field. (Sage's Memorabilia.)
Ach-bhataich — G., the field of the sticks ; sylvan, woody, where
sticks were wont to be cut.
Ach-chroidh-bhothain — G., the field of the cattle booths, or
shelters.
Am-bagh-mor — G., the big bay, a bend in the High river noted
for angling.
Athan-preas-na-suidheig — G., the ford of the raspberry bushes.
Bad-na-h-achlais — G., literally the tuft of the arm pit, in
reference to its conformation and aspect. Here are two tumuli
resembling graves, and close to them are other two called Tullach
mor and Tullach beag, signifying the big and little hillocks.
Sutherland Place Names. 195
Badenloch — G., bad-an-loch, mentioned in lake names. On
the north side of this lake and facing the mid-day sun was a larger
township, with numerous tenants, occupying the arable land,
about 5 acres each, on the runrig principle, and any quantity of
hill pasture in common, rearing great herds of black cattle, ponies,
sheep, and goats. Bad is applied to hamlets which were near
•clumps of shaggy birch woods. On the other side of this lake was
another hamlet called Breac-achadh, the speckled field.
Bad-fliuch — G., the wet hamlet, or the hamlet contiguous to a
•clump of wood surrounded by marshes.
Bad-an-t-sheobhag — G., hamlet at the hawk's thicket.
Borrobol — N., ba*r, barley, and bol, township, the barley town-
ship ; barr is the root of the English word barley, the Scottish,
bear; G., bar, crop; Welsh, bara, bread; Heb., Chal. Syr.; bar,
-son ; Scot., bairn, child ; cognate is the Lat. par-io, beget,
Here Avas one of those ancient corn mills called Muillinn-ton-ri-lar.
•of which there were several in Sutherland, so called from its
water wheel being horizontal, in the shape of the modern turbine,
common to this day in Shetland. It is a very interesting fact that
this form of mill was common all over Britain and Ireland and the
north of Europe, was found in Syria and Persia, superseding the
hand quern, a more primitive instrument. See Pro. of Soc. Ant.
.Scot., 1885.
Bal-bhealaich — G., baile-a-bhealaich, township at the pass.
Bealach-na-creach — G., pass of the spoils, mentioned previously.
Blairmore — G., blar-mor, an extensive morass.
Carn — Written in charters, Ca}^en, a township near Helmsdale
situated at a sharp turn of the High river. It may be 0. G. cain
.still water, or cuinne ; angle ; W., cyn, a wedge.
Carn-laggie — G., earn, and lagan, small hollow, the cairn of
the small hollow.
Ceann-a-bhaid — G., the end of the clump of wood.
Cnoc-phin — G., cnoc-fionn, the fair hill.
Coire-an-lon — G., the corrie at the meadow.
Corrish, Corruis — G., coire-an-innis, the corrie at the grazing
iield.
Craggie — G., creagaich, rocky place.
Creag-an-rath — G., the rock of the fort. ' On the summit of
this hill may be still seen the foundations of many enclosures
running into each other, covering a large area and exhibiting the
appearance of an encampment. Many conflicts took place here
between the Sutherlands and the Sinclairs about the beginning of
the 17th century.
19& Gaelic Society of Inverness
Costly — N., Kosta and le, good mowing land ; Eng., lea.
Dalmore, Dalbeg — G., the big, the small meadow ; W , dol, a
meadow bounded by a river ; N., dalr, a meadow ; Corn, and
Arm., dol ; Ir., dail ; G., dail.
Dalcharn — G., meadow of the cairn.
Dal-haluiy — G., dail-a-chalmaidh, meadow of the hero.
Dalial — N., daela, a small dale.
Duible — Diobal, old form in charters Daypull, Dowebull,,
Dwebul ; N. dybol, from dy, bog, and bol, township, the
bog-township, or township at the bog. Close to it is a bog or pool
of water formed by the rills that rush down to it from the braes
above it.
Eldrable, Eildirebail — X., eldr, beacon, balefire, and bol, town-
ship, the township of the beacon fire. The hill at the back of this
township, 2 miles above Helmsdale, is J338 feet high. It over-
looks the sea, a fit place for a beacon fire. The Norsemen would
call it the beacon hill. This hill gave its name to the township ;
old form in charters, Alterball. This hamlet is a romantic spot
situated on an eminence 50 feet above the High river, and well
wooded. On this spot the sun in winter is never seen owing to
the height of the hill. It has therefore been called " an taobh
dorcha" (the dark side).
Feuranaich — G., grassy
Fliuchary — G., fliuch-airidh, the wet shelling.
Gearnsary — N. and G., hired pasture, pasture upon which
cattle are taken at so much a head for the season.
Gradsary — N. and G., gorod, grad, old form of Scandinavian
for the ruins of any building, and airidh, the pasture round the
ruins.
Griamachary, Griamachdary — G., griamach, rugged, and
airidh, sheiling, pasture ; the rugged sheilingv Here the Mackay
and Sutherlands, when allies, had assembled often to invade
Caithness. In 1601 there was a great gathering of them here for
that purpose. The Sinclairs were in great force to meet them.
The Earl of Sutherland, being a young man and unused to war,,
was unwilling to risk a battle. The Mackay Chief, " Huisteaii
du-na-tuagh" (swarthy Hugh of the battle axe), and the Gunn
Chief counselled the' Earl that it was necessary for him, for his
own credit, to attack the Sinclairs. The Earl took a medium
course, sent a messenger to the Earl of Caithness, to the effect
that if he remained in his encampment till next morning he
would be attacked. In the morning the Earl advanced, the
Mackays in front, the Gunns on the flank. On arriving in sight of
Sutherland Place Names. 197
the Sinclair encampment, they were seen marching away. The
Gunns pursued for some distance and killed some stragglers.
Arriving at the encampment the Sutherlands and Mackays found
there was no fighting to be done, but to commemorate the event,
they raised a cairn and called it Carn-an-teichidh, the cairn of the
flight.
Gailval — G., township of the strangers ; old form, Gylsbal.
Halgary — G., Helga, sister of Frakark, and airidh sheiling,
Helga's sheiling.
Helmsdale (east and west of the High) — N., Hjalmundal
hjalli, shelf, terrace on a mountain side ; munn, mouth, and dalr,
dale, terrace of the mountain at the mouth of the dale ; very
applicable to the aspect of the place from the sea.
Innis-mor — G., innis, pasture, the big pasture land.
Kildonan — G., the cell of Donan. This place name is variously
written in charters Kilduranach, in Bishop Gilbert's charters,
•circa 1225. The bishop, a Moray man, no doubt knew the Gaelic
of the day. It is said that Duranach meant dark, sullen, fright-
ful. It would appear that St Donan was the first Christian
missionary who came into the district and acted the priest and
the magistrate. In this cell he instructed the people, and lower
down the Strath was his seat of justice — three large blocks of
stone in the form of a seat or chair, called " Cathair Dhonain."
After Donan's departure and demise, none could be found to fill his
place with the same moral influence. His successor therefore took
a block of wood shaped to resemble Donan, but with features of
countenance hideous and frightful. Anyone proving refractory was
placed in St Donan's cell, with this picture of the saint facing him,
during the darkness and silence of night, and the consequence
was that when brought forth next day from his confinement he
was invariably reduced to absolute obedience, hence the name
" Duranach," which for a time applied not only to the cell but to
the district surrounding, till it was eventually styled Kil-donan,
the cell of Donan. It is situated in a pretty part of the Strath.
It would appear from this that Monks, then and after, had an eye
to beauty of situation for their places of worship. Here was an
Abbacy, the ruins of which are still to be seen, and called Tigh-an
Abba. When the Chapter of the Diocese was formed by Bishop
Gilbert Moray, the Abbot of Scone was one of the Canons, and
the church of Kildonan — or as it was called in the charter,
" Kil-duranach " — was assigned to him as the sphere of his
pastoral duty, provided that, when absent, a vicar should officiate
in his place. The Abbot of Scone had charge of the parish till
1684.
198 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Beside the manse is a chain of heather covered knolls in close-
succession, varying in shape and elevation, one of these 20 yards,
from the manse is 60 feet high, and 90 feet in circumference.
The top of it was bared some years ago, and found to consist of a
huge pile of stones. These tumuli were ancient sepulchres in
which reposed the ashes of those mighty men of renown in their
day, who fought and worked in the world many centuries ago.
There is a standing stone to the west of these tumuli having a
rude form of cross cut into one side of it. It is called " Clach-an-
eig" (the stone of death). There was a local tradition that a
bloody battle was fought here between the Norsemen and the
natives, in which the former, by Sutherland tradition, were
defeated, and their leader was slain and buried in the knoll above
described. Another knoll further west is called " Tor-na-croichn
(the knoll of the gallows), from two cattle lifters being hanged by
order of the Earl of Sutherland, and the spot where they were
apprehended is called " Clais-na-Meirlaich," or the dell of the
ihieves.
Kil-earnan — G., cell of St Earnan, a missionary Culdee monk,
who had come to evangelise the people. Near it is Cnoc Earnan.
This was ai; extensive township. When the Gunns came into
Sutherland from Caithness^ in the early part of the 16th century,,
this place was the seat of their chiefs, the redoubtable " Mac-
Hamishes" (sons of James), and it may be said of them to their
credit in those times and now, they were like the Arabs " true to
their friends, worse to their foes."
Kilpheder — G., cell of Peter, a Culdee monk of that name, or
more probably, a place of worship dedicated to the great apostle.
This is a beautiful spot, interesting not only for the romantic
scenery all round it, but for its historical associations in relation
to county history. Here lived the Kilpheder Sutherlands, men.
notable in their day for stature and physical strength, the descen-
dants of a son of the 8th Earl of Sutherland, and a daughter of
the Mackay Chief, " lye Roy" (Red Hugh), the last of whom died
in Edinburgh some fifty years ago, enjoying a pension bestowed
upon him by the first Duchess of Sutherland, after her succession
to the title and estates was disputed in the famous law case of last
century, and decided in her favour by the House of Lords. This,
gentleman was the real heir according to Celtic law ; he was not a
competitor, yet, failing to establish her case, this gentleman was
to be brought forward as being in more direct succession than either
herself or her competitors. He was a direct descendant of Alex-
ander Sutherland, son of the 8th Earl John, by a second marriage
Sutherland Place Names. 199
with a daughter of Ross of Balnagown. Earl John, by his first
marriage, had a son, John, and a daughter, Elizabeth, who married
Adam Gordon of Aboyne, second son of the Earl of Huntly. This
son, John, succeeded to the title and estates in 1508. Huntly
was the King's Sheriff. Young Earl John was pliant and unsus-
pecting. He gave Adam Gordon, his brother-in-law, full control
over his affairs. Fired with the prospect of succeeding to the title
in right of his wife, Adam Gordon and his brother, the Earl of
Huntly, the Chancellor of Scotland, set to work to accomplish their
designs. " The young Earl," says Sir R. Gordon, " was decerned
an idiot, and having never married, the succession of the Earldom
came whole and entire to them," that is to Earl Adam Gordon and
his wife, Elizabeth Sutherland. But the younger brother, Alex-
ander, had to be dealt with ; he was inveigled to Strathbogie, and
upon consideration given, was made to acquiesce in this settlement.
He repented, says Sir Robert, and returned to Sutherland. The
Gordons were detested by the other clans in Sutherland, Alex-
ander's return caused great commotion among them. He, for
greater security, sought shelter with the Mackay Chief, lye Roy
(Red Hugh), and married his second daughter. The Mackays
espoused his cause, and Adam Gordon, with his household and
followers, were compelled to retire to Aboyne. Alexander took
possession of Dunrobin, and, feeling himself secure, dismissed his
forces. Assisted by Huntly, Adam Gordon suddenly appeared in
Sutherland with a larger force, surprised Alexander, who in the
conflict that ensued was killed, and Adam Gordon regained posses-
sion. This Alexander was the progenitor of the notable Kilpheder
Sutherlands.
"At the east end of Kilpheder," says Mr Sage, "the founda-
tions of a house may still be seen, in which the stones are
remarkable for their immense size. It is difficult to conceive how
they could be placed without mechanical appliances. Here it is
said ' Alexander Sutherland, slain in the above conflict, once
resided, and his descendants after him at a nominal rent. The
ruins of this house are more immediately connected with Alex-
ander's son William, a man of herculean stature and strength,
who repaired and extended it. He was hi& own architect and
builder. The largest of the stones he took from the channel of
the river. One huge block in the middle of the stream was too
much for him. His wife upbraided him' for giving in, saying it
Avould be a standing proof of William Mor not being the strong
man he was reputed to be. Indignant at this reproof from his
spouse, he strode into the river crowbar in hand, and grappled
200 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
again with the huge mass, turned it over, rolled it out of the
river on to a yard of his door, and said to his wife — " There is the
stone as proof of your husband's strength, but it is his last act."
He entered his house, threw himself on his bed, and died.
Lead Mharcaich — G., leathad-a-mharcaich, the horseman's side
of the hill.
Learable — N., leir, muddy, and bol, township, the muddy
township. Lerwick, N., leir muddy, an vik, creek. Learable was
an extensive township. It is to be observed when bal or dal is the
terminal syllable, the place name is of Norse origin, and when bai
or dal is the initial syllable, the origin is essentially Gaelic.
Leam-Henrie — G., Henry's leap. Here the river " High " is con-
fined in its course by rocks on both its sides, A strong, athletic
young man, named Henry Gunn, in attempting to jump from one
to the other, missed the mark, fell into Jhe river and was drowned.
Loiste — N., lysti, pleasant, pleasant place, fertile place ; G.,
loisid, kneading trough. See Joyce, vol. II., 430.
Lon-tarsuinn — G., Ion, meadow, tarsuinn, across, the cross
meadow.
Marrill — N., mar-baeli, contracted in pronunciation to mar-
bhail, mar-rill, farm near the sea, this place is within half-a-mile
from the sea at Helmsdale (mar-bhail — marr-ill).
Navidale — N., naefr, birch, and daeli, dale ; the birch dale.
Pol-du-chraig — G., pool of the two rocks, a place on the river
High.
Preaschoin — G., the bush of the dogs.
Reisg — G., riasg, a moor, a marsh. See Joyce, vol. i., 463.
Rhithean — G., ruighean, summer pastures, more commonly
ruigh-an, dim. of ruigh, as ruighan na-caoraich, the summer run
of sheep.
Sean-achadh — G., the old field ; here it applies to the oldest
cultivated land round Cam Swein or Suine, Kinbrace.
Solus-craggie — G., rock of light, from the fact of the sun's
rays always striking it and reflecting light.
Suis-gill — N., suis or susi, roaring noise like that of the sea,
and gil, ravine ; the noisy or roaring ravine. Such it is when in
flood, evincing that the Norsemen were equally keen eyed, and
keen eared, as the Celts in describing place and river or stream.
Tor-darrach — G., torr, a conical hillock, and darrach, oak
wood ; the hillock of the oak-wood ; dim., torran ; W., torr, a
boss ; W., twr, a pile, tower ; Arm., tor and twr. Moorish, Dyre,
mountain ; Taur-us, a mountain in Asia ; Taur-mian, mountains
Sutherland Place Names. 201
between Italy and Gaul ; Mam-tor in Derbyshire and no end of
tors in Devonshire ; conical small granitic hills which endured the
blasts of countless ages.
Tomich — G., torn, a knoll or swell of the surface; tomaich,
full of knolls, an old Caledonian Pictish word ; W., torn, a heap ;
'G., dim. tom-an, a small knoll ; W., tomen ; Arm., tumb ; Ir.,
torn, a burial ground; Lat., turn-ulus, a mound raised over a body;
<*r., tomb-os, a tomb ; Eng. tomb.
Tordu— G., a black hillock.
Torruis — G., torr-an-innis, innis, a pasture field, the hillock on
the pasture field ; W., ynys, an island ; Corn., ennis; Arm., enez;
Scot., inch.
Torghorstan — G., torr, a hillock, and gortan, dim. of gort;
•O.G., a small field ; the hillock at, or in, the same field.
Ulbster — N., Ull-bol-stadr, the wool place or township.
PARISH OF REAY.
The aspect of this parish is hilly, but hardly mountainous ;
its principal elevations are Beinn Ratha, 795, Bemn-nan-Bad-mhor,
952 feet, in the Caithness portion, Beinn Ruadh, 837 feet, on its
western border, Beinn Geiambheag, 1903 feet, on the southern
border, and the Knock-fin Heights, 1442 feet, at the meeting
points of Reay, Kildonan, and Halkirk parishes. Its principal
rivers and streams, the Halladale, Forse, JSandside, Reay, and
Achvarasdal, all flow northwards into the sea. Its lakes number
between sixty and seventy, the largest of which are Loch Calder,
on the eastern border, 2J miles long by nearly 1 mile wide,
Shurery, 1J miles by J mile wide, Cailam, f mile by J mile, Loch-
na-Seilge, f mile by \ mile.
On the sea-board, Devonian sandstone, paving flags, and lime-
stone are met with, while those of the hills include granite, syenite,
gneiss, hornblende, and quartzite ; shell marl has been largely
dug at Down-reay and Brawlbin ; iron ore has also been found,
and a vein of lead near Reay Village ; a mineral spring at
Helshetter claims to be equal to those of Strathpeffer.
This district, previous to the 13th century, when the Norsemen
held sway in Caithness and on the coast of Sutherland, was wholly
included in Caithness. In fact, the whole of Caithness and the
north of Scotland to Eddrachilis, was included in the term
" Kateness." The southern portion of Sutherland, from the Ord
to Ekkialsbakki (Oykel), was their " Sudrland " (the land to the
-south), a term still retained, though it became enlarged to embrace
north and south, to distinguish it from modern Caithness.
202 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
The district of Reay then formed part of the extensive parish
of Farr, or Strathnavemia, for ecclesiastical purposes, but when
Gilbert de Moravia, or Murray, was appointed bishop of the
diocese in 1222, he dis-severed this district from the Parish
Church of Farr and annexed it to that of Reay, 011 the plea that
Farr was " too diffuse," a very politic act on the part of a politic
bishop, who proved himself to be an excellent administrator and
church ruler, a man of the world, as of the Church, and, like other
churchmen of his day, could wield the sword, whether made of
steel or the quill of a grey goose. His administration of the
diocese was eminently successful, bringing order out of previous
chaos ; caused tithes to be regularly paid, and regulated the
incomes of the clergy, dominated the lords of the soil, and caused
his suffragans to be respected. In his day commenced the series,
of Sutherland Charters, lay and clerical, still to the fore in the
Dunrobin Charter Chest. The bishop was quite right. Farr was
" too diffuse," for the people of " Helgedal " (Strathhalladale), as
this district is called in his Charter assigning it to Reay Church,
were twelve miles from Farr, and only four miles from Reay, while,
at the same time, it was complained of that the " Helgedal " folks
seldom attend church, and more seldom pay their dues to it or the
priest.
The river Halladale then, and for nearly four centuries, became
the western boundary of the parish, civilly and ecclesiastically, in
the sheriffdom and diocese of Caithness, till 1601, when James the
VI., no doubt at the instigation of Sir Robert Gordon, whose
hatred of the Earls of Caithness prompted him to do all he
possibly could to lower their dignity and elevate that of the Earls
of Sutherland, constituted this district into a parish of itself, for
civil and other purposes, within the sheriffdom of Sutherland.
The eastern boundary of this parish was then drawn along the
summits of the mountain ridges, which, from sea to sea, seem
naturally to form the boundary line between the two counties,
beginning with Druim-holliston, on the north, to Druim-hollesdal,
or Eysteindal, in the middle, and onwards to the Ord of Caithness,
on the south.
Through this middle portion the Sutherland railway passes
into Caithness, and here, in Eysteindal, it is said William the
Lion encamped with his army in 1198 or 1202, on the expedition
which put an end to Norse domination in the North, and began
that of the two powerful and notable families oi Sutherland and
Mackay, in Sutherland, frequently rivals in many a hard conflict ;
rarely allies till the dawn of the Reformation, when the Mackay
Sutherland Place Names. 203-.
chief and his clansmen embraced its tenets, and the Sutherlands
followed, when both became its firm supporters.
The Sutherland portion of the parish of Reay comprises an
area of 71,843 acres ; the Caithness portion, 46,317 acres. The
river Halladale traverses the Sutherland parish from south to
north for 22 J miles, and in that distance falls 1200 feet to sea
level at Bighotise. The strath formed by this river is the only
inhabited and cultivated part of the parish, except the adjoining
villages of Melvich and Portskerray, on the western side of the
bay of Bighouse. Like other straths in the Highlands, it has its
fine meadow and arable land, and good hill pasture on its flanks,
particularly on the east, towards the confines of Caithness. While
the lower end and upper portions of it were, towards the
beginning of this century, the scenes of eviction clearances, in the
middle portion the inhabitants had the good, the uniquely good,
fortune to be left undisturbed by the wave of undeserved, cruel,
infamous exercise of the so-called rights of property in land that
prevailed in Scotland all over, and in the Highlands in particular,
after the " fatal day of Culloden," and devastated many a strath,
and made homeless thousands of the families of those brave men
who were at the very time fighting the battles of their country
and conquering for her in every field. The middle of this strath
was the only part of a glen in the county that escaped the burn-
ing evictions. It seemed to be left as a testimony to future
generations of what the people would and could do had they been
left undisturbed. When the Commission for fixing fair rents
visited the district this year, they found it content and prosperous
— rents fully paid, fields well cultivated, houses well built, and
well furnished, and other improvements in progress, shewing, that
if other glens and straths had not been disturbed, nor sterile sea-
coasts congested, peace, contentment, and prosperity would be the
rule and not the exception, would be general, and no calls needed
for Government to interfere, nor to render aid.
The strath is said by tradition to have received its name from
a Norse chief, slain in battle near " Dal-halladha." The scene of
the conflict is pointed out by various small cairns, and near the
spot, marked out by a circular trench, is said to have been the
grave in which Hallad, or Halladha, was buried with his sword
beside him. A stone in the centre of the mound marks the grave.
It is undoubted that several battles were fought hereabouts in the
llth century between the Norse and the Scots.
Another account is that it was named from Helga, the
daughter of Maddan, "a noble and wealthy man, who lived at
204 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'Dal,' in Katenes." She married Hakod, Earl of the Orkneys,
Katenes, and Sudrland, whose death was considered a great loss,
*' for, in the latter years of his reign, there was peace unbroken."
After Hakod's death " his sons, Harald and Paul, succeeded him
as joint-rulers. They soon disagreed, and * divided ' the dominions
between them, still dissensions continued between the brothers,
and the vassals of each were divided into factions." Harald held
" Katenes from the King of Scots, and resided there and in
Sudrland, for he had many friends in Sudrland." During
Harald's rule, and after his death, Helga and her mother, and her
sister Frakark exercised great influence in Sutherland, in this dis-
trict, and in Kildonan. Possibly the strath might temporarily be
called after her, but again reverted to its more ancient appellation.
These two sisters were " Amazons " of the period, swayed alter-
nately by gentle and fierce passions, by* likes and dislikes, ever
ready to love and to hate, and capable of inciting their fierce
retainers to deeds of atrocity and ferocity worthy of the Norse
occupation of the period, and engendered the wild spirit of rapine,
feud, bloodshed, and assassination, which lasted in these bounds
for four centuries after Norse rule had ceased.
There are still to be seen in the upper parts of Halladale the
ruins of two Pictish towers, one on the left of the river above
Trantlemore, the other on the right above Craggie. In the
Caithness part of the district there are many more. Whatever
their purpose may have been, they are still to be seen. Whether
built by the Picts for defence from sea rovers, or by the Norse
men for protection from the natives they despoiled and ill-used,
as they did in France, England, and elsewhere, is a subject still
in doubt.
The topography of this district is, on the whole, of Gaelic
origin, evincing only partial expulsion and subjection of the
natives by the Norse men. Yet in the Caithness portion of the
parish place names of essentially Norse origin abound, more
especially in the plain, while those in the more hilly parts to
which the natives retired have retained their Gaelic description.
The parish name has been variously written in charters. Ra,
in 1223 to 1245, time of Gilbert Murray, who would know Gaelic ;
Ray, in 1560 to 1566 ; Rhae, in 1640 ; Rae, in MSS. and maps
1642 to 1726; Reay, since the latter date. The name is pro-
bably derived from the most conspicuous object in the landscape
of the district — Beinn-Ratha — whose summit rises nearly 800 feet
above sea level at a distance of 2J miles from the shore,
dominating by its towering altitude and fortress-like appearance
Sutherland Place Names. 205
all other objects within miles around it. Viewed from the sea or
from the plains of Caithness, it presents against the horizon an
object very much like a formidable circular and terraced earth
work. The word is pronounced by the Gaelic-speaking natives as
Rath or Ra. It would seem the mountain received its
appelation from its appearance, and transferred it to the district
surrounding. Another appellation given the district, and found
in Kob Doun's poetry, is Miogh-rath. What " Miogh" may mean,
it is difficult to say. Moy-rath, the mound in the plain, from
Moy, magh, plain.
Near the shore on the Caithness side is Dun-reay, once a seat
of the Mackays. It was from this place they took their title.
The greater part of the parish belonged to them till the first Lord
Reay disposed of it to provide the sinews of war for his romantic
expedition into Germany in support of the King of Denmark and
Gustavus Adolphus in the cause of Protestantism, 1626-1634.
Near Dun-reay once stood a town of some antiquity and
importance. It had its streets, market cross, two annual fairs,
arid other privileges. The site of it was laid bare in 1750 by a
water spout.
MOUNTAINS.
Beinn rath — G., circular-looking mountain, 795 feet high.
Beinn ruadh — G., red mountain, 835 feet ; Welsh, rliud ;
Manx, ruy, red ; Scot., roy ; Corn., rydh ; Arm., ryudh ; Fr.,
rouge ; Lat., rufus ; Gr., ereudos ; Norse, raudr, red.
Cnoc-na-ceardaich — G., hill of the smithy, indicating that iron
ore was found, smelted, and manufactured in the vicinity, 628 ft.
Cnoc-feadaireachd-na-gaoithe — G., hill of the whistling of the
wind, 700 feet ; Manx, geay ; Welsh, gwynt, wind.
Cnoc-bad-mhairtein — G., hill of the polecat thicket, 747 feet.
Cnoc-an-f huaran-bhaiii — G., hill of the clear spring, 797 feet;
G., ban, fair ; Ir., ban, fair ; Manx, ban, fair.
Cnoc-lochan-na-clachgrala — G., hill of the lakelet of white
stones, 692 feet ; geala, pi. of gral, white ; Ir., geal ; Manx, gial,
white ; Gr., gala, milk.
Cnoc-nan-gall — G., hill of the strangers, 902 feet.
Cnoc-nan-tri-chlach — G., hill of the three stones; Ir., cloch;
Manx, clagh, 1135 feet.
Cnoc-freicadain — G., hill of the sentinels, 523 feet (watching
for the Caithness reivers).
Cnoc-a-mhuillinn — G., hill of the mill, 400 feet ; Welsh,
Melin ; Corn., melin ; Arm., melen ; Manx, mwyllin ; Ir., muillenn;
Fr., moulin ; Gr., mula.
"206 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Meall-mor — G., big lump, 357 feet ; Welsh, moel ; Manx,
mooyl, mull.
LAKES.
Loch-croeach — G., shaped like the hand when outspread.
Loch-crosgach — G., shaped cross ways, in the form of a cross.
Loch-nan-gall — G., lake of the strangers.
Loch-na-eaglais mor — G., lake of the big church, so called
from its proximity to Kirkton Church, a place of worship in 1574.
In 1726 the minister of Reay Church was bound to preach in it
eight times a year. This church no longer exists, but the
burying place attached to it is still used.
Loch-achredigill — G., achadh, field ; reidh, plain ; and gille,
lad or servant ; the lake in the field of the lad's or servant's plain,
•or meadow.
Loch-na-seilge — G., lake of the hunting, seilge, gen. sing, of
sealg ; Manx, sheilg ; Ir., sealg ; Wei., helfa, pro : helva.
Loch-achrain — G., achadh, and draighean, thorns, lake of the
field of thorns ; Wei., draen, thorns ; Corn., dren ; Ir., draighean.
PLACE NAMES.
Achvullin — G., achadh, and muillin, mill, the mill field.
Achumore — G., achadh, and mor, the big field.
Achredigill — G., see lake name, the field on the lad's or ser-
vant's slope, or meadow
Ardachy — G., ard, high, and achadh, the high field ; Ir., ard ;
Manx, ard.
Bighouse — N., bygg-hus, a barley barn, or barley store, after-
wards applied to the house of one who let land, and received rent
in kind. It may be an Anglicised term. In Strath Halladale are
two places of this name, 7 miles apart, Lower and Upper Bighouse.
The Gaelic name is Bunaibhne, or Bun-amhuinn, lower part of the
river. Sometimes Lower Bighouse is called Torr, from the hill
that adjoins it.
Calgary — G., cal, cabbage, and garadh, garden. Robertson
deduces Calgarry in Inverness and Argyll from Gala, a harbour,
and gearraidh, preserved pasture. Here is no harbour, there may
have been a ferry, and there are meadows which were no doubt
preserved for mowing when there was population in this part of
Strath Halladale.
Croick — G., croc, croic, deer horns, shaped like the branches of
deer horns ; cnoc, small hill, is sometimes pronounced as croc,
hillock, as it was in Cornish. Kryk, hillock, croc, croic, is fre-
Sutherland Place Names. 207
<|uently applied to the hand, which is finger branched. In
Sutherland the term is common, and applied to land at river sides
•cut into branches by streams and hillocks.
Cuilfearn — G., cuil, nook, and fearna, alder, the alder nook,
here in reference to a bend in the river in which alders grow.
Dal-halvaig — G., dail-an-t-sealbhaig, dell of the sorrel.
Forsinain — The first syllable of this word is evidently Norse,
meaning a torrent ; the last is a corruption of the Gaelic word
"mhan," or bhan, down, hence Fors-a-Mhan, "the lower torrent,"
to distinguish from another higher up, named
Forsinard — Fors, as above, torrent, and Ard, or airde, upper, or
higher up, hence Fors-an-airde, the torrent higher up, two miles
apart. The river Forse, in Caithness, rises on the other side
of the ridge or watershed of the Sutherland " Forses." The
former runs N.E., the latter N.W., the ridge dividing the sources.
Were it not for the occupation of these districts by the Norsemen
for upwards of two centuries, we might be inclined to infer from
the gently rising acclivities of these streams, and wide openings
thus made in the hills, that " fors" was a corruption of the Gaelic
"farsuing," wide, spacious, which agrees with their aspect; it
would then be "farming a mkan," and " farsuing-an-airde" con-
tracted into " fars-a-mhan" and "fars-an-airde" In either case
the appellation would be applicable.
Golval — G., gall, strangers, and baile, township, the township
of the strangers, two miles from Bighouse, the lord of which
probably drew rents from Golval in kind, and stored them in his
"bygg-hus."
Kirkton — Anglicised form of Bail-na-h-eaglais. See lake name.
Kealsey — G., probably from Cil, cell, and eassaich (essie), gen.
of easach, rocky stream, the cell at the rocky stream, Kil-easaich,
Kealsey.
Melvich — N., from melr, or melar, sand-hills covered with
bent-grass. Called elsewhere links, dunes, and downs, and vik,
bay, the bay of the benty sand-hills.
Portskerra — N., port, a gate, an opening, and sker, an isolated
rock hidden at high tide, hence, port of the hidden rocks, gen.
plu. of sker is sker j a, G., port, a haven, sgeir, a rock in the sea,
hence, port in the rocks. From such instances as these, it is
evident that the Gaelic has borrowed words from the Norse, and
the Norse from the Gaelic. We know of many such instances.
Trantle-mor, and beg — Norse, trantr, snout, or projection of
land, now pronounced " trantle" instead of " trauter," the Norse
way ; mor and beag, Gaelic adjectives to distinguish the one from
the other, lying near to each other on different sides of the Halia-
208 Gie/ic Society of Inverness.
dale. At each of these places the river makes a bend, the land
projects and causes the bends in the form of a snout. In ancient
charters these place-names are written " Troun-tales."
6th APRIL, 1892.
At a meeting of the Society held on this date, a paper was read
which was contributed by Mr Alexander Macpherson, solicitor,
Kingussie, on " The Old Castles of Ruthven and the Lords of
Badenoch."
13th APRIL,
At this meeting the Secretary read a paper contributed by
Mr Alexander M. Mackintosh, London, on " Clan Chattan Gene-
alogies." Mr Mackintosh's paper was as follows : —
CLAN CHATTAN GENEALOGIES.
The Clan Chattan is perhaps second to none in the number
and value of its genealogical and historical manuscripts. Of its
three principal divisions in modern times, the Mackintoshes and
Farquharsons have two each, and the Macphersons one, all of
distinct importance, while several of the families of the smaller
septs have preserved pedigrees, carrying them back step by step
to their respective stems, from which they struck out two or three
centuries ago. Perhaps I may be allowed to refer as an example
to the pedigree of my own branch of the Shaws. This came to
me from a great-grand-aunt, who was daughter of Angus Shaw
of Tordarroch, an officer of the Mackintosh regiment in the '15,
and wife of Farquhar Macgillivray of Dalcrombie, one of the three
officers of the Mackintosh regiment who survived the battle of
Culloden. It gives the descent of the family in eight generations
from Adam, youngest son of James Mackintosh (or Shaw) of
Kothiemurcus, who was killed at Harlaw in 1411, and was the
son of Shaw Mor Mackintosh, the leader of the Clan Chattan
champions in the clan battle at Perth in 1396. Except as regards
the omission of one name — that of Adam's son, Robert — in the line
of descent, this pedigree is perfectly correct,1 as I have proved by
1 There is one other omission, that of Adam, grandson of the Robert
here mentioned, but he was not in the line of descent, which was carried on
by his younger brother Angus. Of this Adam I propose to say more here-
after.
Clan Ohattan Genealogies. 209
sasine and other records, and as Mrs Macgillivray had no possible
means of compiling so correct a pedigree for herself, it is obvious
that she must have obtained her information from some record kept
in the family. This record, however, is not now to be found.
It is with the genealogies of the more important septs, however,
that I propose now to deal, and after a brief description of those
belonging respectively to the Mackintoshes, the Macphersons, and
the Farquh arsons, I propose to confine my attention to the
genealogy of the first-named clan.
I. The Latin MS. " History of the Mackintoshes," by Lachlan
Mackintosh of Kinrara, of date about 1670, which I will call the
Kinrara MS., is contained in a leather covered book of small 8vo,
or large 12mo size, preserved in the charter chest of The Mac-
kintosh. Its writer was brother of William, 18th Chief of
Mackintosh, and for some years managed the affairs of both his
brother and his nephew, the 19th Chief, so that he would have
had full access to the charters and other records of the family.
This MS. traces the history and genealogy of the family of Mac-
kintosh from the settlement in the north of Shaw, son of the Earl
of Fife, in the second half of the 12th century. Down to 1550 it
is professedly founded on three earlier MSS., the first written by
Ferquhard, 12th Chief, in 1502, giving the history from the Earl
of Fife down to the death of the llth Chief, in 1496 ; the second,
by Andrew Macphai], parson of Croy, giving the history also from
the Earl of Fife down to the murder of William, the 15th Chief,
in 1550; and the third, by George Munro of Davochgartie, giving
the history of Ferquhard, the 12th Chief, and his three successors.
These earlier MSS. are not known to be in existence now, and it is
to be feared that they shared the fate of many of the family
documents and evidents during the temporary occupation of Moy
Hall by a party of Grants in 1746 ; but Lachlan of Kinrara states
that he actually embodied their subject matter in his own MS.,
and as he seems to have been a man of strict honour, and could
have no object in drawing on his imagination, there can be no
doubt that he states what was an absolute fact. He was, besides,
one of the most accurate and precise of men, as is evidenced by
the traces of his hand among the family papers that are left, and
we may feel certain that every mention which he makes of date,
charter, or bond was verified, whenever possible, by reference to
original documents. Indeed, many of his statements, made pre-
sumably on the authority of the earlier MSS., are corroborated by
the records of other families. As might be expected, the Kinrara
11
210 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
MS. is particularly full in its account of affairs during the writer's
own time and immediately preceding it.
II. The next Mackintosh MS. genealogy is entirely in the
handwriting of the Rev. Lachlan Shaw, author of the " History
of the Province of Moray," published in 1775. It is entitled
" Memoirs Genealogical and Historical of the Family of Mac-
kintosh, with an Introduction concerning the Families of
Macduff and Clan Chattan," and bears the date 1758. It is
unsigned, but has the same motto — " Antiquam exquirite
matrem " — as the " History of Moray." So far as the Mac-
kintoshes are concerned, it brings down the genealogy of the
chief family and the several branches from the Earls of Fife to the
writer's own time. Like the Kinrara MS., it belongs to the Chief
of Mackintosh, but cannot now be found. I have not seen it since
the year 1872, when it was lent to me for a few days by the late
Mackintosh, during one of his visits to Lendon, and was returned
into his own hands. Possibly this notice of it may lead to its
restoration to the family. According to my recollection, it is a
quarto book of some 80 or 100 pages, with rather close but very
clear writing. The pedigree of the Mackintosh Chiefs down to
1770 is given at page 44 of the " History of Moray."
III. The MS. genealogy of the Macphersons is the work of Sir
.Eneas Macpherson, second son of William of Invereshie and
Margaret, daughter of Robert Farquharson of Invercauld. He was
an advocate during the reign of Charles II., when he received the
honour of knighthood, and for some years after his elder brother's
death acted as tutor of Invereshie. He was well versed in the
family and clan history of his country, and, like Mackintosh of
Kinrara, had exceptional facilities for tracing the genealogy and
history of his own clan. To this work he brought considerable
legal acumen and a great capacity for taking pains, and his
genealogy for several generations down to his own time may,
perhaps, be accepted as generally trustworthy. But most of the
earlier portion, particularly that treating of the old Clan Chattan,
is too palpably fabulous, and one only wonders that a writer
usually so careful and judicious should have been carried away by
the stories of sennachies. It is extremely likely, however, that in
the main his genealogy from about the 12th century was based
on either some written record or well-founded tradition. For
example, he gives Muirich, Parson of Kingussie, as father of
Gillicattan and Ewen Baan early in the 13th century, and there
can be little doubt that Muirich was a progenitor of the clan, as it
was called by his name. He also speaks of the three sons of Ewen
Clan Chattan Genealogies. 211
Baan by the names of Kenneth, Ian, and Gillies, and there can be
no doubt that persons bearing these names were of importance in
the clan, as we find the three main branches — of Cluny, Pitmean,
and Invereshie — called respectively Sliochd Kynich, Sliochd Ian,
and Sliochd Gillies. The MS. is in the possession of Cluny
Macpherson. I have not seen it, but I have had the loan of a
«opy belonging to the late Dr John Stuart.
With the Macpherson genealogy in Douglas' " Baronage,"
which is followed in Burke's " Landed Gentry," I do not propose
to meddle. It has already been shown by Mr Eraser-Mackintosh
to be seriously incorrect, and it is clear that the compiler, whoever
.he was, did not confine himself to Sir ^Eneas' MS.
IV. The first Farquharson genealogy of which there is trace,
•was written probably about 1680, as it speaks of John of Inver-
•cauld, who succeeded his father, Alexander, in that year. I am
not aware whether it is now in existence. It properly deduces
the Farquharsons from the Shaws of Rothimurcus, but brings
these direct from the Earls of Fife, instead of through the Mac-
kintoshes, making the Mackintoshes the off-spring of the eldest,
and the Shaws the off-spring of the third son of one of the Earls.
Who its author was does not appear, but whoever he was, he seems
to have had a very hazy idea of the family history, and to, have
jumbled up his information in a most, extraordinary manner. His
main object seems to have been to glorify the family of Invercauld,
then rapidly rising in importance, and he goes so far in his
'Obsequiousness as to make the head of that branch of the
Farquharsons chief, not only of all the Farquharsons, but even of
the Shaws, although a little inquiry would have shown him that
there were still Shaws in Rothimurcus descended from Shaw Mor,
and that among the Farquharsons themselves the family of Inver-
cauld was junior to the family of Craigniety and the numerous
descendants of Donald of Castleton. His misstatements, whether
due to ignorance or servility, appear to have aroused the ire of
Sir ^Eneas Macpherson, whose mother was a daughter of Robert of
Invercauld. En a " Letter to a, Friend " that worthy knight
handles the would-be genealogist most unmercifully, pointing out,
in the plainest terms, his many errors and their absurdity, and
utterly demolishing his pseudo-historical house of cards. Sir
^Eneas' letter, which is in the possession of Sir George Macpherson-
Grant of Invereshie and Ballindalloch, is headed " Vanitie Exposed,
or, a Plain and Short Answer to a late Peaper, Intituled the
Genealogie of the Farquharsons, wherein the Authour's Ignorance
.and Self-contradictioun are sett in their true light, and the Right
212 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Genealogie of that modern Family briefly hinted att from the con-
curring Testimonies of the Shaws, the Farquharsons themselves,
and all their neighbour families. In a letter to a Friend by No
Enemy of theirs, but a friend to Truth, Sir ^Eneas Macpherson of
Invereshie, knight."
V. A more trustworthy genealogy of the Farquharsons is one
compiled in 1733 by Alexander Farquharson of Brouchdearg. I
do not know where it is to be found, but some twenty years ago I
had the loan of a copy belonging to the late Dr John Stuart of
the Register House. The writer, evidently having in view the
genealogy last referred to, begins by stating that he leaves " all
that's controverted or obscure about their descent from the Thanes
of Fife . . . their actions and alliances at their first appear-
ance, to such as can find clearer evidence for them than [he is] able
to get by conversing with the oldest m^i, and comparing what
has been wrote before on the subject." He gives the descent
of the families of Farquharson from " Farquhar Shaw, whose name
first gave rise to this surname, and who came over from Rothi-
murcus, and took up his residence near the Linn of Dee," down to*
the year in which he wrote.
Of these several genealogies, the last mentioned is the only one
which, to my knowledge, has never been called in question, so-
that I propose to treat it as accepted, and dismiss it from our con-
sideration, together with the other Farquharson genealogy. With
the genealogies of the Mackintoshes and Macphersons the case is.
different. They have been not only questioned, but even declared
to be without support — so far, at least, as down to the middle of
the 15th century — and that by no less an authority than the
Historiographer-Royal for Scotland, Mr W. F. Skene.1 Mr Skene
does not mention the recognised Macpherson genealogy, that of
Sir /Eneas, in his writings, but in his " Highlanders of Scotland "
lie gives the Macphersons a widely different descent, from a Gaelic
MS. of 1450 (or 1467), so that if he then knew of the existence of
the recognised genealogy, we may assume that he considered that
to be the one which could not be supported. But the descent
which in the i( Highlanders of Scotland" he gives to the Mac-
phersons, he hands over in " Celtic Scotland " to some " older
Mackintoshes," whom he identifies with the Mackintoshes or Shaws
of Rothinmrcus, so that we scarcely know where we are so far as
the Macphersons are concerned, and therefore I propose to confine
my remarks to what he says on the Mackintosh genealogy. As.
1 Mr Skene has died since thw paper was written.
Clan Chattan Genealogies. 213
Tiis views on this subject have been brought under the notice of
this Society by one of its leading and most valued members, Mr
Alexander Macbain, in his paper of the 5th of March, 1890
(Transactions, vol. xvi.), I need perhaps offer no apology for
asking the members to hear a few words on the other side.
Both Mr Skene and Mr Macbain are men of well-earned
reputation and position in the world of Celtic research, but it does
not follow that everything they say on Highland history is
absolutely correct, or that all their theories and opinions are such
as can safely be accepted, or are even founded on common cense.
Since the appearance of Mr Skene's elegant volumes entitled
" Celtic Scotland," it has, unfortunately, become the fashion among
writers on Highland subjects to refer (and defer) to that gentleman
as the final authority on any question relating to the clans and
their early history, and to regard whatever he is pleased to say or
think as unimpeachable. This is a fashion which 1, for one, can-
not understand ; I can only suppose that those who thus bow down
and worship him cannot have read his utterances very carefully,
or have observed the contradictions which they contain, the worth-
lessness of the testimony on which some of the arguments are
based, and the insufficiency or incorrectness of the premises on
which some of the conclusions are reached. Mr Macbain in his
paper accepts, a,nd endeavours to fortify, Mr Skene's views on
certain matters of importance in the Mackintosh genealogy, and,
therefore — for the convenience of the Society's members who
possess the Transactions, but may not all possess Mr Skene's book —
I will in the main restrict my remarks to the points dealt with in
that paper : —
(1st). Considerable weight is allowed by both Mr Skene and
Mr Macbain to the genealogies given in the Gaelic MS. of 1467 in
the Advocates' Library, and Mr Skene goes so far as to declare
that they "may be held to be authentic " as far back as the
common ancestor from whom each clan takes its name, though he
does not support his declaration by reasons. Let us now see what
this MS. is. At page 338 of Vol. III. of " Celtic Scotland " Mr
Skene says : — " There is ample evidence that during this period
[i.e , the 14th and 15th centuries], a great proportion of the High-
land seannachies were Irish, and that all reverted to Ireland for
instruction in their art. It could hardly have been otherwise than
that, with the disappearance of the old Highland pedigrees, every
presumption and analogy would have driven these seannachies to
the better-preserved Irish pedigrees, to replace what had been
lost, by connecting them more directly with the Irish tribes.
214 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
For the clan genealogies at this time we must, therefore,,
refer to the Irish MSS., and they are, in fact, the oldest pedigrees
which have been preserved. The MS. collection* in which we-"
first find them are, first, the Book of Ballimote, compiled in the
year 1383 ; the Book of Leccau, compiled in 1407 ; and a MS.
belonging to the Faculty of Advocates, bearing the date 1467, but
the genealogies in which are obviously derived from the same
source as those in the Book of Ballimote." At p. 8 of Vol. II. of
his "Highlanders of Scotland," published in 1847, Mr Skene
mentions that he discovered this MS. of 1467 in the Advocates'
Library, and " after a strict and attentive examination of its con-
tents and appearance, came to the conclusion that it must have
been written by a person of the name of Maclachlan as early as
the year 1450, and this conclusion with*regard to its antiquity
was afterwards confirmed by discovering upon it the date of 1467."
It gives pedigrees — or, at any rate, strings of names purporting to
be pedigrees — of most of the Highland clank, from the Macgregors
and Macnabs in the south, to the Mathesons in the north, and
carries back some of them to periods when the centuries were
numbered with only three figures. For example, it takes back
the Campbells to King Arthur, son of Uther Pendragon, who, if
he ever existed at all, save in the imagination of French romancers
of the age of chivalry, was contemporary with the Roman
occupation of Britain.
T have already intimated my inability to regard Mr Skene's
statements and opinions as infallible, and before I can accept these
pedigrees for which he stands sponsor, or any one of them, as
correct, I should like to know who the supposed Maclachlan was,
and to have some valid reason why his testimony, or even that of
the Book of Ballymote, is to be preferred to the testimony of the
clans themselves. Was an Irishman of the 14th and 15th
centuries more honest or less liable to error than a Scots High-
lander of the same period ? If the Highlander could be guilty of
manufacturing a string of names to connect his family with some
notable person in Scottish history, might not the Irishman adopt
a similar course in order to glorify the legendary heroes of Ireland?
Irishmen in our own century have not been slack or shy in holding
up their country as the home of valour and worth in ancient times,
and I do not suppose that Irishmen of four or five centuries ago
were less patriotically inclined. Again, the fact of which Mr
Skene says there is "ample evidence," although he does not
indicate where — that in the 14th and 15th centuries many of the
Highland seannachies were Irish, or that Irish seannachies of that
Clan Chattan Genealogies. 215
period were better informed than those of the Highlands — does not
prove that the descents which they give during previous centuries
are more correct than those of the clans themselves, or even that
they are correct at all. How are the Irish seannachies supposed
to have obtained their information 1 How, for example, did they
ascertain the names of the heads of Clan Campbell, or Clan Duft',
or any other clan, back from son to father, successively, to the 3rd
or 4th century of the Christian era, or even back to the time when
the representative of the clan had landed in Scotland ? Are we to
believe that during all these hundreds of years special corres-
pondents in Scotland had notified every change of leadership to a
college of seannachies or other central office in Ireland, and that
the pedigree books in such establishment were regularly posted up
like the Peerages and Directories of the present day ? It is not
enough to say, as Mr Skene does, that the pedigrees are " in
general tolerably well vouched " as far back as the eponymus or
common ancestor whose name was adopted by the clan, and that
this later portion " may be held to be authentic." The vouching
given by Mr Skene in the notes to his pedigrees in the appendix
to vol. iii. of " Celtic Scotland," is very slight indeed ; in thirty-
five main pedigrees, some of which include two or more
subordinate pedigrees, the references to documents do not exceed
a dozen, and they mostly relate to names of the 14th and 15th
centuries. If the pedigrees are not trustworthy before, say, the
year 1000 or 1100, [ cannot see why they should be held to
become so after that date. To my mind it appears only
reasonable to believe that the heads of a clan would be likely
to know their descent from their eponymus far better than any
Irish seannachie, however learned he may have been in the
history of the ancient Kings of Ireland, imaginary or real, and
if the matter is regarded from a common-sense point of view, 1
think it must be admitted that, whether the ordinarily accepted
genealogies of the clans themselves are correct or not, no suffi-
cient ground appears for believing that the Irish genealogies of
the Highland clans, given in the Book of Ballymote and the MS.
of 1467, are correct. I am not aware that inspiration has as yet
been claimed for them.
(2nd). Coming more particularly to the Mackintosh genealogy,
we find in Mr Macbain's paper (on p. 164 of the Transactions,
1889-90), three lists — one giving the pedigree of the Mac-
kintoshes, as contained in their own recognised genealogy, from
Ferchar, 12th Chief, back to the Earl of Fife, the others giving
two lines of pedigree, taken from the MS. of 1467, back to two
216
Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
persons named respectively Neill and Nachtain, supposed to have
been sons of a certain Gillicattan. For convenience I reproduce
these lists here, slightly altering their order : —
(a} Mackintosh History.
(12) Ferchar, d. 1514
(9) Ferchar (11) Duncan,
d. 1496
(b) 1467 MS.
William & Donald
William
(8) Lachlan & (10) Mal-
colm, d. 1457 I Ferchar (1382)
(7) William, d. 1368 William
(6) Angus, d. 1345 Gillamichol
(5) Ferchar, d. 1274 Ferchar (1234)
(4) Shaw, d. 1265 Shaw
[(8) Ferchar] William Gilchrist
(2) Shaw, d. 1210 Aigcol
(1) Shaw, d. 1179 Ewen
Macduff, E. of Fife
(c) 1467 MS.
Lochlan
Suibne
Shaw
Leod
Scayth (1338)
Ferchard
Gilchrist
Malcolm
Donald Camgilla
Mureach
Suibne
Tead (Shaw)
Nachtain
Gillicattan
Neill
(Gillicattan ?)
Of the two lists of 1467 that marked b is supposed by Mr Skene
and Mr Macbain to represent the actual and true line of the
Mackintosh Chiefs, while that marked c is thought by Mr Skene
to represent some " older Mackintoshes," whom he identifies
as " beyond doubt the Shaws of Rothiemurcus and the Farquhar-
sons of Strathdee . . . whose head in 1464 was Alexander
Keir Mackintosh " ! In his previous work, as Mr Macbain
properly points out, Mr Skene had assigned the honours of this
older line, as being a matter " beyond all doubt," to the Macpher-
sons, but now, for some unexplained reason, and without a word
of apology, he leaves the Macphersons out in the cold.1
Our concern here, however, is with line b, which Mr Macbain
regards as affording proof of the incorrectness of the Mackintosh
genealogy contained in the family histories. In this list the
representatives of the direct line of the Mackintoshes, at the date
of the MS. (1467), are given as William and Donald, sons of
William, son of Ferchar This Ferchar is obviously identical with
the Ferquhar given in the family history as the 9th Chief, who,
according to that history, was not acceptable to his clan, and
resigned his Chiefship in favour of his uncle, Malcolm. He may
or may not have been the Ferquhard MacToshy who, in 1382,
lrThe reader of "Celtic Scotland" and "The Highlanders of Scotland "
cannot fail to observe the frequent occurrence of such expressions as " beyond
all doubt," " undoubtedly," and " must have been," in many matters which
obviously admit of very considerable doubt. The quotations here given afford
a good sample of their value.
Clan Chattan Genealogies 217
had molested the Bishop of Aberdeen and his tenants in the lands
•of Brass or Birse. These lands are far distant even from Rothie-
murcus, the nearest point of the known Mackintosh country, and
the name Ferquhard was by no means confined to the Mackintoshes
at the time ; that it happened to belong to a descendant of the
thane or toshach of Birse, who had been supplanted by the Bishop
of Aberdeen,1 while at the same time it was also the name of the
•son of the Chief of Mackintosh, appears to me to be a mere
•coincidence.2 The point, however, is not of importance. A more
important matter is the omission in the Mackintosh History of
any mention of such a person as William, son of Ferchard, 9th
Chief, or of his two sons, William and Donald, and it seems
obvious that either that History or the 1467 MS. is wrong. The
inames of the 9th Chief's sons are given in the History as Duncan,
Malcolm, and Ferquhard, each of whom had issue. As has been
.mentioned, the earliest of the MSS. used by Lachlan of Kinrara
in compiling his history was written by Ferquhard, the 12th
Chief, within forty years of the date of Mr Skene's 1467 MS., and
•one would think that he must have known who his own second
•cousins were, although it is of course possible— though perhaps
hardly probable — that Kinrara made a mistake. Whether he did
so or not is hardly likely to be discovered now, but even if, in the
middle of the 15th century, the representatives of the 9th Chief
were really named William and Donald, there is no question that
at the time the actual Chief of the Mackintoshes was Malcolm
Beg, and, so far, Mr Macbain and the Mackintosh History are at
one.
(3rd). But although Mr Macbain admits the correctness of
the history as to the chiefship of Malcolm in 1 450, he contends
that that history must be wrong in the matter of Malcolm's
genealogy. He says (Transactions, p. 164): —
"Malcolm, 10th Mackintosh, who dies in 1457, is grandson
through William 7th (died 1368) of Angus, who married Eva in
1291, the three generations thus lasting as chiefs from 1274 to
1457, some 183 years ! Malcolm was the son of William's old age,
•and his brother [really /^(/"-brother], Lachlan 8th, was too old to
take part in the North Inch fight in 1396, sixty years before his
younger brother died ! This beats the Fraser genealogy brought
1 Chartulary of Aberdeen i. 360.
2 Mr Macbain says (Trans, p. 164), " He is doubtless the same person, for
he is given also in the 1467 MS. genealogy." I must confess my inability to
follow Mr Macbain's reasoning here.
218 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
forward lately by a claimant to the Lovat estates. It is thus clear
that there is something wrong in the Mackintosh genealogy here."
This at first sight seems a truly formidable indictment, but I
venture to think that a little examination will prove that there is
really not much in it. " The three generations lasted as chiefs for
183 years !" says Mr Macbain ; and as Angus was a child of about
6 years old when he became chief on his father's death in 1274,
the three lives extended over 189 years. There is thus an average
of 61 years for the chiefships, and 63 years for the lives. These
are no doubt good averages, although, so far as the lives are con-
cerned, not particularly extraordinary. Mr Macbain will probably
recollect the name of Field-Marshal Sir John Burgoyne. Sir John,
who was on the staff of the army in 1868 and died in 1871, was
the son of General John Burgoyne, who was born as long ago as in
1722, and entered the army in 1738, serving as captain in the
13tb Dragoons at Oulloden. Here we have the tivo lives of father
and son extending over 149 years1, and their army services over
130 years — or an average of 74| years for the lives, and 65 for the
services ! Looking at these figures, the correctness of which can
easily be ascertained, there does not seem to be much difficulty in
regard to the 189 years for three generations of Mackintoshes.
If we look at the matter in another way, I think we can further
reduce the difficulty, if there is one, or even remove it altogether.
Thus—
Angus, 6th chief, born 1268, married 1291.
William, his son, born (say) 1300, died 1368, aged 68 years.
W. married 1st wife (say) 1325.
Son Lachlan, born (say) 1326, would in 1396 have
been 70 years old.
W. married 2nd wife (say) 1360, when he was 60 years
old.
Son Malcolm born (say) 1361
Malcolm at his death in 1457 would thus be 96 years old.
The dates of William's marriage and of the birth of his two sons
are necessary hypothetical, but they are probably near the mark,
and anyhow show the possibility, which Mr Macbain seems to
doubt, of the covering of a period of 183 years by three generations
of chiefs, and of the inability, through age, of Lachlan, 8th chief>
1 Supposing that General J. B.'s father had been 51 years old at his son's
birth in 1722 — as is quite conceivable — the three generations would have lived
through two centuries !
Clan Ghattan Genealogies.
"to take part in the North Inch Fight in 1396, sixty years before
his younger brother died." So far, then, there seems to be nothing
impossible, or even improbable, in the recognised Mackintosh
genealogy from 1291 to 1457, and the confusion alleged by Mr
Macbain to be in it has no existence.
(4th). The next point to be considered relates to the descent
of the Mackintoshes from the old Earls of Fife, which, if the 1 467
MS. and the Irish Book of Ballymote are correct, evidently can-
not be maintained. Mr Macbain gives the Mackintosh account of
the descent of the early chiefs, but declares that it " sadly lacks
verisimilitude," and suggests that those who support it are want-
ing in intelligence.1 To my humble intelligence the verisimilitude
— or likeness to truth— of the account is one of the most con-
spicuous things about it. A son of one of the greatest nobles of
the kingdom accompanies the king, Malcolm IV., in an expedition
against the rebellious tribes of Moray ; he distinguishes himself,
and is rewarded for his services by a grant of land, being also made
custodian of the Castle of Inverness. There is surely nothing
here that looks unlike truth ; the fact that the king's expedition
actually took place is undoubted, and the presence of a son of the
Earl of Fife in the king's train, and his being rewarded by some
of the lands previously occupied by the rebels, are things which
one would almost expect as a matter of course.
Then Mr Macbain makes a great point of the use of the word
" Thane " by some writers on Mackintosh history when speaking
of Macduff Earl of Fife. He says : — " The Mackintosh gene-
alogies, dating from the 17th century, represent the family as
descended from Macduft, Thane of Fife, as they and Fordun call
him. . . . Macduff was not Toiseach of Fife. In the Book of
Deer he is called Comes, the then Gaelic of which was mormaer, now
moirear" The Mackintosh genealogies referred to are, I presume,
that of Lachlan of Kinrara, and that given at page 44 of the Rev.
Lachlan Shaw's " History of Moray " (edition of 1775). So far as
the Kinrara MS. is concerned, I assume that Mr Macbain has
verified his statement by reference to it ; I shall not be able to do
so before the date for the reading of this paper. But even grant-
ing that Kinrara does use the word, I do not see that it in any
way throws discredit on his account of facts ; as well refuse to
1 His words (Trans, p. 162) are : — " With those who support the Macduff
genealogy no argument need be held ; like the humorist of a past generation,
one would, however, like to examine their bumps." This seems a somewhat
novel method of conducting an argument — in cold blood, at all events, for I
believe it is not unknown in Courts of Law.
220 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
accept Macaulay's account of the Battle of Killiecrankie because
he speaks of Viscount Dundee as James Graham. I do not
suppose for one moment that Lachlan of Kinrara even knew the
difference between a mormaer and a toiseach, or that either he or
John of Fordun or Holinshed or any other chronicler during the
Scottish Middle Ages attached any other meaning to the term
thane than that of a person of noble rank.
But now let us look at the other Mackintosh genealogist, to
whom, I presume, Mr Macbain refers — that is, the historian of
Moray, who wrote a full century after Lachlan of Kinrara. He is
actually so ignorant of old Celtic institutions that he makes a
mormhaor synonvmous with a thane.1 After a quotation from
Fordun, he says (p. 180) — "Probably these Thanes were at first
the king's servants (so the word signifies) or officers in provinces
and countries, and during pleasure only, or for life. But after-
wards the title and the lands granted to them were made
hereditary. In the Highlands they were termed mormhaor, i.e., a
great officer. They were likewise called Tosche (from Tus, i.e.,
first), that is, ' Principal Persons, Primores.' "
If Shaw in the 18th century was under the impression that
thane, mormaer, and earl were convertible terms, meaning one and
the same kind of person, might not Mackintosh of Kinrara, in the
17th century, have been equally mistaken, especially when he had
the authority of the national chroniclers for the error ? The fact
is, that writers of past centuries cannot fairly be gauged
by the standard of our own day in these matters ; it must be
remembered that when Kinrara and Shaw wrote thanages had
long been extinct, and that those writers had no possible means of
learning anything about them, except from the old chroniclers ;
while the " Book of Deer" was still unknown, and no Innes, or
Robertson, or Skene had yet arisen to explore and explain the
intricacies of old Celtic institutions. When they speak of a thane
of Fife, they mean an Earl of Fife, and any writer on Scots history
or law, down to the early part of the present century, would have
attached the same meaning to the term. Gilbert Stuart, in his
" Observations concerning the Public Law and Constitutional
History of Scotland" (Edin. 1779), expresses the general view
when he speaks of the thanes as preceding earls and barons, and
as being converted, though not universally, into nobles bearing
those modem titles.
1 He speaks on \. 44 of " the Macduffs, Thanes and Earls of Eife."
Clan uhattan Genealogies- 221
On all this, I submit, it is evident that if Kinrara uses the
words " thane of Fife,'' when speaking of his remote ancestor, he
means " Earl of Fife," and his use of the term, therefore, affords
no argument that his general statement is incorrect.
So much for Mr Macbain on this head. Mr Skene does not
argue from quite the same premiss, but confines himself to the
name Mackintosh, which, he says, can only mean "son of the-
thane," and arguing upon this he lays down in his usual dogmatic
manner that because the old Earls of Fife never bore the title of
Thane, therefore the Mackintoshes cannot have sprung from them.
I make bold to believe — and I am not singular in my belief — that
the name does not mean only what Mr Skene says, and that " tus"
or " toseach" has other meanings than the restricted and academic
one which he assigns to it — a leader or principal person, for
example. In fact, Mr Macbain says in his paper (" Transactions,"
p. 161) that "Toiseach is the true Gaelic word for chief." But
let us for a moment accept Mr Skene's derivation, and admit
that "Mackintosh" can only mean "son of the ihane"-
that is, son of one beneath the rank of noble, who occupied
lauds for the performance of certain services. Even then
I cannot see that Mr Skene is justified in jumping to the
conclusion that the Mackintoshes cannot be descended from the
Earls of Fife. May not some of the early Mackintoshes have
been " thanes " or " toshachs," in the ordinary acceptation of the
term? A thane, according to Sir John Skene, was " ane free-
holder holding of the king:," and this definition is accepted as
correct by Mr W. F. Skene in "Celtic Scotland" (iii., 244),.
According to Professor Cosmo Innes, an authority of not less
weight than Mr Skene himself, " the administrator of the Crown,
lands, the collector of rents, the magistrate and head man of a
little district, was known among his Celtic neighbours as the
Toshach ;" taking " a charter of the whole district from the
sovereign, he became, under the Saxon name of Thane, hereditary
tenant" ("Sketches of Early Scotch History," p. 396). If the-
statement of the Kinrara MS. that Shaw, son of the Earl of
Fife, received from Malcolm IV., a grant of lands in Moray, is
correct, he would have been " ane freeholder holding of the king "
— that is, a Thane, and his descendants would have been " sons of
the Thane," according to Mr W. F. Skene's meaning. The MS.
says also that the grants to Shaw Macduff were confirmed to his
son and successor, who was made chamberlain of all the king's
revenues in these parts, and who thus performed one of the main
functions ascribed to the toshach by Professor Innes. Mr Macbain
222 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
tells us in his paper that one translation of ** toiseach " is steward
or seneschall, and that ballivus (bailie) is a title of equal import.
Chamberlain of Revenues is precisely the same thing.
Thus the fact stated so positively by Mr Skene, that "the
name of Mackintosh clearly implies that they were descended from
a thane," even if correct, in no way necessarily affects the question
of descent from the Earls of Fife, and so Mr Skene's argument
falls to the ground.
(5th). The fifth and last point which I propose to consider has
still to do with the origin of the name Mackintosh and of the
family. We have just seen that Mr Macbain and Mr Skene reject
the account given by the family historians ; we will now see
what they propose to substitute for it.
Mr Macbain suggests that the name arose with Fercard, son of
Seth or Shaw, who is found recorded in 1234 as Seneschal or
Steward (otherwise " toiseach ") of Banlenoch, and whose name
appears in both the recognised genealogy and the 1467 MS. Mr
Macbain, then, is willing to admit that, as regards Fercard and
Shaw, the recognised genealogy may be correct, because it is
corroborated by other records ; but if he believes or accepts
nothing which is not so corroborated, why does he prefer the
genealogy of 1467 to that of the Kinrara MS.1? The 1467
genealogy is entirely without corroboration, except where it agrees
with the recognised genealogy. If Mr Macbain had consulted the
Kinrara MS., he would have seen that both Ferchar's father and
grandfather had performed the functions pertaining to a toiseach.
Now, let us examine Mr Skene's ideas on the subject ; and
here, I think, we shall see what a broken reed that gentlemen is
to lean upon, how inaccurate and careless he is, with all his dog-
matism. 1 should like to transcribe the two and a half pages of
his " Celtic Scotland," in which he treats of the origin of the
Mackintoshes, and deal with his utterances line by line ; but time
vill not admit of this. He seems to attach some credit to the
Knock MS., a fragment of a history of the Macdonalds, written in
the time of Charles II., and printed in Collectanea de Rebus
Albanacis, under Mr Skene's editorship. This MS. is well known
to students of Highland history as a monument of inaccuracy, but
it suits Mr Skene's purpose to quote from it. Here is an extract
from page 357, vol. 3, of " Celtic Scotland " — " In the MS.
histories of the Mackintoshes, the whole race, including the old
Mackintoshes, is brought from the thane of Fife, but there is
another form of it [? of what] which attaches the legend to the
later family, the descendent of Malcolm Mackintosh, who, by the
Clan Chattan Genealogies. 223
influence of the Lord of the Isles, after the secession of the old
•Clan Chattan in 1429, acquired the position of Captain of the
Olan, for we are told in the Knock MS. that Angus of the Isles
had, by the daughter of John Gruamach Mackay, ' the mother of
the first laird of Mackintosh, for a son of Macduff, thane of
Fife, coming after manslaughter to shelter himself in Macdonald's
house, got her daughter with child, went to Ireland with Edward
Bruce, where he was killed ; by which means Mackintosh is of
natural (illegitimate) descent, his progenitor having been got in
that manner. Mackintosh in the ancient language signifies a
thane's son. The boy was brought up by Macdonald, who, in
process of time, procured a competent estate for him in the Braes
of Lochaber and Braes of Moray.' This (says Mr Skene) was Callum
Beg or Malcolm Mackintosh, whose son Duncan was the first
captain of Clan Chattan."
Mr Skene's first mistake is in referring to this MS. at all, and
especially in treating or suggesting it as an authority. He next
speaks of Malcolm as acquiring the position of captain of the clan,
and a few lines afterwards states that Malcolm's son Duncan was
the first captain. By a third mistake, he makes Malcolm reach
the extraordinary age of 138 years, thus: — Edward Bruce was
killed in Ireland in 1318, so that if the father of Callum or
Malco*lm Beg went with him to Ireland and was killed there, the
said Callum could not have been born later than 1319, and as
he did not die until 1457, it follows that he reached the mature
age of 138 years (!), and that his single life was only 45 years
short of the period which Mr Macbain seems to think too long for
three previous generations.
Just one more quotation from Mr Skene's account of the Mac-
kintoshes in " Celtic Scotland," and I have done with the subject.
In the quotation just given, we find mention of two sets of
Mackintoshes — one, the "later family," represented by Malcolm
Beg and his descendants, whose existence Mr Skene does not call
in question ; the other, " the old Mackintoshes," represented by
the string of names from the 1467 MS. in list b, given some pages
back. In the following quotation we have a third set, whom Mr
Skene calls " Older Mackintoshes " (list c). At page 358, volume
iii, of " Celtic Scotland," we read : — " The tradition of the Mackin-
toshes is that Rothiemurchus was their earliest possession, and
when Alexander Mackintosh obtains a feudal right to the lands in
1464 he is termed Thane of Rothymurchug. It seems probable that
the name [Mackintosh] was derived from the Thanes of Brass, who
may also have been Thanes of Rothiemurchus, and from whom the
224 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'Old Mackintoshes' were descended. In their genealogy the name-
of Gilliinichael, or the servant of St Michael, appears in the place
of the spurious Angus, the suppositions husband of Eva, and St
Machael was the patron saint of the parish of Birse. As possessors
of Rothiemurchus they are brought into immediate contact with,
that branch of the old Clan Chattan whose principal seat was Dal-
navert, and no doubt were, as indicated in the older genealogies,
a branch of that clan. The representatives of these older Mackin-
toshes were, beyond doubt, the Shaws of Rothiemurchus and the
Farquharsons of Strathdee, &c." The tradition mentioned in the
leading sentence of this question is new to me, and is certainly not
held by the Mackintoshes as stated ; the Kinrara MS. states that
Rothiemurchus was first held by the Mackintoshes in 1236, when
the 4th chief took a lease from the Bishop of Moray. Alexander
Mackintosh of Rothiemurchus is not termed thane in the feu
charter from the Bishop of Moray, dated 4th Sept., 1464 ; only
once, in 1472, is he so styled, and the title is then used apparently
without any reference to the special functions of a thane or toseach,
as denned by experts : indeed, nothing is known of any thanage of
Rothiemurchus. Next, I would call attention to the guessing in
the first two divisions of the second sentence, and to the dogmatic
assertion which follows in the third division, as indicated by my
italics. In the third and fourth sentences the their and they refer
presumably to the " old Mackintoshes," just before mentioned,
and these "old Mackintoshes," as possessors of Rothimurchus,
meet some "older Mackintoshes," who, "beyond doubt,''
were represented by the Shaws and Farquharsons, and both old
and older Mackintoshes were, " no doubt," branches of the Clan
Chattan. Mr Skene does not state the grounds on which he makes
one set of these Mackintoshes older than the other, and all he has
to go upon for his assertion that a branch of old Clan Chattan had
its principal seat at Dalnavert is that, in a charter of the lands of
Dalnavert and Kinrara, given in 1338 by Alexander, Earl of Ross,
to Malmoran of Glencharney,1 mention is made of the house of
Scayth, son of Fcrcard, as having stood in a certain spot — " in qua
situm fait manerium quondam Scayih ftlii Fercardi" How this
Scayth, son of Fercard, can be identified with certainty as the
owner of the name of the 1467 MS., and how the fact of his having
at some time antecedent to 1338 had a residence at Dalnivert,
proves that that place was the principal seat of a branch of older
Mackintoshes, I fail to see ; it is pure guesswork at the best, and
1 " Spakling Club Miscellany," vol. iv., Gordon Papers.
Clan Chattan Genealogies. 225
quite as much probability can be adduced for the identifying of
this same Scayth with a younger son of one of the chiefs in the
recognised Mackintosh genealogy.
I have now done — so far at all events as this paper is con-
cerned— w.th Mr Skene's guesses and contradictions, his " must
have beens" and his " undoubtedly s," his old and older Mackin-
toshes. I do not for a moment question his good faith ; I am
willing to believe that he has set down what he honestly takes to
-be the true and most likely explanation of matters which seemed
to him obscure. But I do question whether he has ever gone
closely into the history of the Mackintoshes, as detailed by the
family chronicler in the 17th century, or has even had the desire
to do so. He discovered the MS. of 1467 when a young man, and
seems to have set that up as his standard and infallible guide.
His idea seems to be that it must be right, because it agrees with,
or was taken from, cei tain Irish MSS., and the Irish pedigrees are
the oldest in existence, while the Irish sennachies surpassed those
•of Scotland in information arid acquirements (Celt. Scot. iii. 337-8).
Every Highland pedigree which does not fit his standard must,
therefore, be wrong, and undeserving of consideration, and he will
have nothing to do with it — " unceremoniously brushing it aside,"
as Mr Macbain expresses it. When a writer of Mr Skene's position
and reputation takes up such a line as this, and writes as if he
had studied every original manuscript bearing on the question, it
is little short of certain that nearly all his readers will accept what,
he says or thinks as the last word in the controversy, and it seems
but a forlorn hope for a humble individual like myself to attempt
to show that he is liable to error, or that our ancestors of two and
three centuries ago were not always necessarily liars or dupes, as
regards their family history, merely because he implies that they
were. I venture to hope, however, that the few remarks which I
have made may be sufficient to lead the members of this Society
to pause before they unreservedly pin their faith to Mr Skene in
matters of Highland genealogy, and, whether the recognised clan
pedigrees are correct or not, to examine whether any sufficient
ground is shown for believing the pedigrees in the 1467 MS. and
its Irish originals to be one whit more trustworthy.
Time will not admit of my dealing with the several minor
points affecting the Mackintosh genealogy in Mr Macbain's paper,
•or with his views regarding the clans concerned in the Battle of
Thirties at Perth in 1396. My own views on the latter subject
have already been made known, and Mr Macbain's remarks on the
jmonetics of the names used by the old chroniclers convey to my
15
226 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
inind no justification or incitement for changing them. But there
are two matters pertaining to the subject on which I would like to
say a few words before I close. First, Mr Skene, at page 314 of
volume iii. of " Celtic Scotland," published at the end of 1880,
comes round to the view, which I endeavoured to support some
years previously,1 that the clans engaged were the Clans Cha-ttan
and Cameron, after having maintained in his "Highlanders of
Scotland " that they were the Mackintoshes and Macphersons.
Second, in my various writings 011 the clan battle, the last of
which was contained in my "Historical Memoirs of the Mac-
kintoshes and Clan Chattan," printed in 1880, I had founded an
argument — or, to be strictly accurate, a suggestion — in favour of
the view that the Camerons were the Clan Hay or Kay of
Wyntoun and Bo war on the synonymy of Ay and Angus, referring
specially to one of my own ancestors^ Ay Macbean (Shaw) of
Tordarroch, who, in the band of union among Clan Chattan in
1609, signs "for himself and taking the full burden upon him of
his race of Clan Ay," and whom I then believed to have been
mimed Angus. Since 1880, I have had a large number of extracts
made from documents in the Register House at Edinburgh relat-
ing to the Clan Chattan families in Strathnairn, and from these I
soon discovered that I had been wrong in supposing Ay to be
equivalent to Angus, and that I have a collateral ancestor of
whose existence I had previously been ignorant. I ascertained
beyond doubt that Ay equals Adam, and that Adam, and not
Angus, Macbean of Tordarroch signed the bond of 1609. This is
clear from a charter dated at Inverness, 9th December, 1607,
which Adam gives of a life rent out of the lands of Tordarroch to-
his future spouse, Agnes, daughter of Alex. Fraser of Farraline.
[n this charter Adam is described as Adam M'Bean M 'Robert
M'Ay of Tordarroch, and that the name of Adam's great-grand-
father, who is here called Ay, was Adam is known from other
soiirces. Again, in a charter by Sir Lachlan Mackintosh of Tor-
castle, dated at Inverness, 12th March, 1621, Adam's daughter is
styled " Margaret nein Ay Vc Beane, lawful daughter and heir of
the late Adam M'Bean of Tordarroch." The same Ay or Adam
appears in other documents. He is not mentioned in the
genealogy of the Shaws of Tordarroch which has come down to
me, probably for the reason that he left no son, and was succeeded
1 In " Notes and Queries " (1869) ; in " A Genealogical Account of the
Highland Families of Shaw " (1877) ; and in " The Clan Battle of Perth,"
printed in 1874. Of the last named print I forwarded an early copy to Mr
Skene.
Clan Chattan Genealogies. 227
as head of the family by his brother Angus, with whom I had con-
founded him. My mistake has been a weight on my mind for
several years, and I am glad to have this opportunity of making
public a correction of it.
DISCUSSION — REPLY BY MR MACBAIN.
First as to the MSS. : Mr Mackintosh Shaw is unjust to the.
1467 MS., and to what he calls " Irish" MSS. and sources. Surely
it is well known that " Irish" here means Gaelic ; and the MSS.
which he decries are, on Scotch points, of excellent Scotch origin.
The " Irish" scribes were the common literary class in Scotland and
Ireland. The language and literature, historical and otherwise,
were shared in common till the end of the 17th century ; a glance
at the work of the M'Vurich genealogists and bards, ought
surely to keep Mr Shaw right on this point. The "Irish"
genealogies are therefore good evidence if contemporary, and for
at least two centuries before — as good as, ay, better than, any
Kinrara MS. of the 17th century or any MS. of its class. Those
17th century MSS. are a delusion and a snare too often ; and I
accept the Kinrara MS. for the 15th and 16th century only when
it seems according to reason, or is so far corroborated by con-
temporary documents. It is useless to say that it is made up of
two previous MSS. ; I know them and their kind too well to be
impressed with such statements. The 1467 MS. is surely con-
temporary with 1467, written by a "''Gaelic" seanachie, who knew
well what he was doing. William and Donald, sens of William,
are the contemporary Mackintosh chiefs, according to the writer ;
can Mr Shaw get round that ? He has the neighbouring Cameron
chiefs all right ; why should he make a mistake in the case of the
Mackintoshes 1 No, no ; he simply does not recognise Malcolm
Beg as chief : that is all.
Sesond, as to the genealogies. Mr Shaw's vindication of the
three generations, which cover nearly two hundred years, does not
impress me much ; I never thought that any genealogist would
write himself an ass by giving impossible dates ; only he does the
next thing to it.
[ have to make a correction at this point. Mr Fraser-
Mackintosh thought that he had found Angus, the so-called sixth
chief's name, in a 1297 list; and I was struck by the similarity.
But, on further search, I find that the individual meant — Angus
Macerchp.r — ^as the head of the Argyleshire Laments of the day.
I am glad that Mr Shaw recognises the impossibility of the
frame toiseach applying to the Earl of Fife ; it seems to me that it
228 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
settles the whole case. It is impossible that a son of the Earl of
Fife should be settled in Inverness-shire without at least being as
prominent as Adam of Strathbogie was (circ. 1200), who was
really a son of the Earl. Besides, it is a pernicious fiction to join
the Mackintoshes to Inverness Castle ; they never had anything
to do with it. Mr Barren has lately traced fully the history of
the Castle, and no such connection appears. The whole Macduff
and Inverness story is a fable, and a poor one, started in that
century of fables — the 17th. It is then we hear of Diarmad
O'Duinn as ancestor of the Campbells, and Colin Fitzgerald
appears in the veracious pages of the Earl of Cromartie as ancestor
of the Mackerizies.
The Mackintoshes are not all descended from one original
sept. The Perthshire Mackintoshes, I know, are not of the Clan
Chattan stock ; they are descendants ^>f the local toiseachs of
Monivaird and Tiriny. I still adhere to my view that the
Inverness-shire Mackintoshes are descended from the toiseachs and
seneschals of Badenoch. In fact, after all Mr Shaw's attack, I ain
still of the same opinion as to the 15th century break in the Clan
Chattan genealogies ; and, if Mr Shaw directed his energies and
undoubted knowledge to the unravelment of this portion of Clan
-Chattan history and genealogy, instead of pinning his faith to
Kinrara and his Macduff cum Inverness Castle absurdities, he
would do a real and much needed service to his clan and to mid-
Highland clan history.
4th MAY, 1892.
At the Society's meeting on this date, the following were
elected members, viz. : — Miss A. E. Macdougall, Woodburn House,
Morningside, Edinburgh ; and the Rev. Edward Terry, Methodist
Manse, Inverness. The Secretary laid on the table the following
contributions towards the Society's Library : — " Place Names in
Scotland" (Johnstone), from Mr W. G. Brodie, Edinburgh, and
" Reliquiae Celtics)" (Dr Cameron), from the Editors, Messrs Alex.
Macbain, M.A., and the Rev. John Kennedy. Thereafter the
Secretary read a paper contributed by Mr Charles Ferguson, Gate-
house, on " The Chronicles and Traditions of Strathardle," Part II.
Mr Ferguson's paper was as follows : —
Sketches of Strathardle. 229
SKETCHES OF THE EARLY HISTORY, LEGENDS AND
TRADITIONS OF STRATHARDLE AND ITS GLENS.
PART II.*
I will begin the second part of this paper where I ended the
last — at the death of King Malcolm II., in
1033. — The year in which Malcolm II. died was remarkable for
its extraordinary storms and bad weather, of which, no doubt,
Strathardle got its full share, as we read in Peacock's " Annals of
Perth," page 21 : — " The year in which King Malcolm died was
remarkable for severe frosts and snows in the middle of summer,
which destroyed the produce of the earth and caused a distressing
famine."
Old George Buchanan, in his own quaint way, says : — " The
year in which he died was a prodigious one, for in the winter the
rivers did mightily overflow ; and in spring-time there were great
inundations of the sea. And moreover a few days after the
summer solstice, there were very pinching frosts and mighty
snows, by which means the fruits of the earth being destroyed, a
great famine did ensue."
Tradition says that the great chain of lochs that undoubtedly
existed in Strathardle burst their bounds during a great flood,
caused by heavy rains melting a deep fall of snow in summer, and
that all the cattle were swept away down the strath, and that a
great famine followed. I have no doubt that tradition refers to
this time.
1057. — About this time we find the first mention of an ancient
and honourable Strathardle family — the Rattrays of Rattray and
Craighall, who derived their name from the Barony of Rattray,
and who, according to Nisbet, flourished here in the reign of
Malcolm Canmore, and whose descendants hold several estates in
the district to this day.
1072. — King Malcolm Canmore and his good Queen Margaret
founded the great Abbey of Dunfermline, which afterwards held
the Churches of Moulin and Strathardle, with the lands of Persie
and many others in the district.
1100. — About this time King Edgar changed the ancient
Thaneship of Athole intc an earldom, adding the whole district
except Breadalbane, and conferring it on his cousin Madach, son
of King Donald Bane. One of the Duke of Athole's titles now is
Earl of Strathardle.
* For Part I. see Society's Transactions, Vol. 17.
230 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
1114. — In this year King Alexander I. founded the Abbey of
Scone, one of the witnesses to the foundation charter being
Madach, Earl of Athole, who afterwards was a great benefactor to
the Abbey. Scone afterwards, as we shall see, held extensive
lands in Strathardle.
1127. — King David I. in this year converted the ancient
Guide*; Monastery of Dunkeld into a regular Bishopric. It had
been originally founded by St Columba as a Culdce Church about
.570, and, as already stated, raised by King Constantino McFergus
to the primacy of Scotland in 806. Dunkeld possessed most of
the lands in middle and lower Strathardle till the Reformation.
1153.— At this time we find Strathardle belonged to the King,
as it formed one of the Royal Manors of Cowrie. We read in
Skene's " Celtic Scotland," Vol. III., p. 133:— "We find there
were four Royal Manors of Gowrie, vi«, those of Scone, Cubert
(Cupar), Foregrund (Longforgan), and Stratherdel." And in the
" Chronicle of Scone," page 6, we find a charter by Malcolm IV.
to the Canons of Scone: — "In principale sede regni nostra
fundata," in which he conveys to them the titles " de quatuor
maneriis neis de Gourin scilicet de Scon, et de Cubert, et de
Fergrund et de Stratherdel."
Strathardle was also a Royal Thanage, as we find in Skene's
"Celtic Scotland," Vol. III., page 275:— "In the reign of
Malcolm IV., who confirms the foundation charter of Alexander I.
to Scone, we find mention of the four Royal Manors of Gowrie
paying ' can ' to the King, and these were Scone, Cupar, Long-
forgan, and Strathardle, and these appear to have been likewise
Royal Thanages."
In Skene's " Notes to John of Fordon's Chronicle of the Scot-
tish Nation," page 417, we find in the list of Thanages given there
those of Strathardle, Alyth, and Glentilt. AVe also find in the
" Chartulary of Arbroath," page 27, a charter granted in the reign
of King William the Lion by Laurance of Abernethy, of the
Church of Abernethy, to the Monks of Arbroath, one of the wit-
nesses being Macbeth, Sheriff of Scone and Thane of Strathardle.
We also find this same Macbeth, Thane of Strathardle, etc., with
the additional title of " Judge of Gowrie," witnessing a charter of
King William the Lion to Cupar Abbey of the Marsh of Blair-
gowrie, which shall be noticed afterwards in 1168.
1164. — In this year Cupar- Angus Abbey, another of those
great religious houses which for so long held so much of Strath-
ardle, was founded. From very early times we find a great deal
of the lands of Strathardle in the hands of the Church, a fact
Sketches of Strathardle. 231
\vhich speaks very highly for the value of that lovely glen, even at
this early date, for it is a well-known fact that the clergy have
always been exceedingly wide awake in the choice of good and
fertile lands for their own purposes. All the great religious
houses are built on fertile fields, and to this day the manse and
glebe are almost always found on the fattest land in every parish.
For agricultural purposes Strathardle then, as now, certainly was
behind many neighbouring districts, but its grazings were very
good, most of its hills and braes were finely wooded with heavy
timber, so very valuable for building purposes, that we find special
foresters appointed to look after these woods ; its forests and hills
abounded with every kind of game ; and its rivers then swarmed
with the finest salmon, as we find the fishings of Drimmie and
dally let at a yearly rental of fourscore salmon ; which altogether
made Strathardle a most desirable addition to the estates of the
luxurious ecclesiastics of the middle ages. We have already seen
that the great religious houses of Dunfermline, Scone, and
Dunkeld held lands in Strathardle, and we now add that of Cupar,
which for four centuries afterwards held a great deal of land in
the Strath, and which, by encouraging agriculture and other arts
of civilisation, did a great deal of good, and helped to raise the
inhabitants of the district far beyond the rude state of the people
of the more inland Highland glens.
Cupar Abbey was founded by King Malcolm IV. on Sunday,
12th July, and was dedicated to the Virgin, and planted with
monks of the Cistercian order. Old Andrew of Wyntoim, in his
" Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland," records the founding of Cupar
Abbey, as follows : —
'• A thousand, a hundyre, and sexty yhere
And fowre till thai till rekyne clere,
Malcolme Kyng off Scotland,
And pesybly in it rignand :
The ellevynd yhere off his crowne
Mad the fundatyowne
Off the Abbay off Culpre in Angws
And dowyt it wyth hys alwms."
1165. — Malcolm, 2nd Earl of Athole, grants a charter to
Oupar Abbey to cut large beams of timber in his forests of Athole
and Strathardle for building purposes. About this year, King
William the Lion granted a charter, at Forfar, to Cupar Abbey of
the Marsh of Blairgowrie ; one of the witnesses being that famous
man of many titles, Macbeth, Thane of Strathardle, Sheriff of
232 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Scone, Judge of Gowrie, <fec. The original charter runs : — " Carta
regis Villielmi eisdem monachis facta de toto maresio meo in
territorio de Blare," tfcc., <fec.
1178.— At Edinburgh, on Sept ember 19th, King William the
Lion granted to the Abbey of Cupar a charter of the lands of
Cally and Persie, and that part of the lands of Cally held by
Mackholft'e, except that part of Cally on the south side of the
water of Ferdill opposite Cluny, which the king kept for his own
use. The original charter begins : — " Carta Donationis regis
Willielmi eisdem monachis de terris de Parthasin per suas rectas
dinisas, et illam Kalathin quain MackholfFe tenuit per suas rectas
divisas excepta ilia parte terroe de Kalathyn qui est ex australi
parte aqua? de Ferdil versus Cloyn qui ad opus meum reseruani,"'
&c.
1180. — At Forfar, King William grants to Cupar Abbey a
charter for two ploughgates of land in the district of Rethrife or
Rattray.
In this year also Malcolm, Earl of Athole, grants a charter of
the Church of Moulin to the Abbey of Dunfermline. The original
is given in "Regist. de Dunfermline," page 85, and is titled
" Malcolmus Comes Atholie : De Ecclia de Molin," &c.
In Henderson's " Annals of Dunfermline," page 62, I also find
under this date — " The Church of Strathardolf." In an undated
charter of about this date King William gives to the Abbey of
Dunfermline the Church of Stathardolf or Strathardol, in the
north-east part of Perthshire, " as a perpetual free gift, to be held
in quiet and honourable possession," ike. (Regist. de Dimfennlme,.
page 39).
1232.— In this year I find from the " Chartulary of Moray,"
page 87, that Gillemychel M'Ath, or M'Ade, Gillemichael the son
of Adam, of the old Fergussons of Balmacrochie, excambs a davoch
of the lands of Pitcarmick, in Strathardle, with the Bishop of
Moray for the lands of Dolays Michael in Strathspey. This Gille-
Michael, or servant of St Michael, very likely took his name from
the patron saint of Kirkmichael ; and I have no doubt that his
son Cormac or Carmac gave his name to Pitcarmick, or as it is
always called in Gaelic, " Baile-charmaig," the town or dwelling-
place of Carmac. It shows how ancient some of our place names
are, when we consider that though nearly seven centuries have
passed since Carmac dwelt at Pitcamick, his name still adheres
to the place to this day. It also shows how for ages some of our
Highland clans stuck to certain favourite personal names, as the
Fergussons have done to Adam and Fergus. Here we find in the
Sketches of Strathardle. 233;
ancient family of the Barons Fergusson of Balmacrochie that this
Gillemichael's father, about 1200, was Adam. Again, in 1358,
Fergus, the son of Adam of Balmacrochie, and Robert de Atholia,
ancestor of the Robertsons of Struan, got into trouble with the
Sheriff of Perth about their lands, and we have Adams in the
family down till the last Adam Fergusson, who sold the ancient
patrimony of his race, and went to America about 1 840.
1235. — At Traquair, on June 1st, King Alexander II. granted
charter to Cupar Abbey of two and u-half ploughgates of land in the
feu of Meikle Blair, in exchange for the Common Muir of Blair-
gowrie.
1246. — In November of this year, King Alexander II. stayed,
at Cupar Abbey, and hunted in the forests of Strathardle and
Cluny.
1260. — For some time previous to this, the proud and haughty
Cummings were lords of Athole, and ruled at Blair Castle with
terrible severity, till about this time Ewan Mackintosh of Tirigney,
Thane of Glentilt, in revenge for the slaughter of all the rest of
his family, surprised the Cummings at a marriage festival near
Blair Castle, and, after chasing them up Glentilt, he slew the Big
Gumming at Leac-na-diollaid (the Saddle Stone), in Glenloch, and
his brother further on, at the Coi-leum, in Glen Fernate. Col..
Robertson of Lude, in his " Earldom of Athole," page 80, says : —
" Tradition states that when the Cummings got a footing in
Athole they commenced the then usual practice to attack their
neighbours. They attacked the Mackintoshes when at a feast,
who were all murdered, except a young child, in a cradle, named
Ewan, who, in ten or fifteen years afterwards, attacked the Cum-
mings at a place called Toldamh, near Blair- Athole. He defeated
them, and the Cummings fled up Glentilt, and turned in at the
stream that comes out of Lochloch ; but this Ewan (Sherigan, as
he was called) crossed a near way, through the hills of Bengioe, by
a stream called the Cromaldan, and met Gumming at Leac-an-
diold, and slew him ; and which last place was so named, and
signifies that Gumming had there been driven out of his saddle —
he was shot. The tradition as thus stated has every appearance
of probability ; and to this day the cairn raised by Mackintosh
where Gumming was killed remains. The situation of it is a little
to the north of Lochloch. The date of the circumstance is sup-
posed to be in, or soon after, 1260."
James Grant, in his most interesting work " The Legends of
the Braes o' Mar," gives a much fuller account of this incident : —
"The Tirigney Mackintoshes held the lairdship of that name, near
"234 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Blair-Athole, while the Bio- Gumming held sway. Wild, lawless,
and deceitful was the race of the Cuinmings. We have still a
proverb to this effect — ' Clio fad 's a bhios craobh 's a' choill, bidh
foill aims a' Chuimeanach :' 'As long as there is a tree in the
wood, the dimming will be treacherous.' As one example of the
unprincipled conduct which gained for them this reputation, it is
said that the father of the Big Gumming put to death, on the
Tarflf, no less than sixteen lairds in one day, in order to possess
himself of their lands. Coming down Glentilt after this praise-
worthy exploit, with a party of followers, the pony on which he
rode misbehaved ; ' and well you may,' cried the Big Gumming,
in great glee, ' with sixteen barons on your back.' The words
were scarcely uttered, when an eagle, fluttering for a moment
overhead, swooped down and struck the pony with its wings. The
terrifjed animal made a bound forward; a cleft rock, which it
grazed past, caught one of Cumming's feet, and he was torn
asunder. The pom- never stopped till at Blair Castle gate, drag-
ging along with it one part of its master's corpse. The remainder
stuck fast in the cleft rock, and the spot is still known as Ruidhe-
na-leth-choise : The sheiling, or place of the one foot. The son
of this worthy had married a lady of peculiar aldermanic taste.
A ' choppin ' of beef marrow must needs be served every day for
her dinner. Gumming the Big's stores of good red gold were in a
fair way of being exhausted, and it was therefore with great joy
that the advent of Christmas was hailed. Then the lady or lord
superior went the rounds of the retainers begging their ' Christ-
mas.' Mackintosh of Tirigney, knowing the tastes of Lady
Gumming, presented her on this occasion with a bull and twelve
cows. Tirigney must be the place for rearing cattle, thought the
lord of Blair Castle, and would be a prize worth the mint, under
present circumstances. When might was right, nothing was easier
than to acquire the lands of Tirigney. dimming the Big, with a
body of retainers, surprised the mansion in the night, and every
soul within was put to the sword — nay, not every soul : the cradle
containing a young boy was upset in the scuffle, and he alone
escaped. Thus the lands of Tirigney were added to the estate of
Blair. Among the murdered Mackintosh's tenants was a certain
* Croit-a-bhoineide' (he of the Croft of the Bonnet), so called
because for his croft he gave the laird the yearly rent of a new
bonnet, getting back at the time the old one for himself. He,
good soul, coming with his yearly rent early next morning to the
mansion, was horror-struck at the butchery. One consolation he
found in the surviving child, weeping under the cradle. With the
Sketches of Strathardle. 235
greatest secrecy, he had it conveyed to its mother's relatives,
Campbells in Argyle. There the child was brought up and well
•educated, visited by Croit-a-bhoineide, who passed for its father,
•every Christmastide. Among his numerous virtues, as he grew
up, was that of being a famous archer, and, when at the age of
eighteen the worthy crofter saw him fill the bull's eye with
arrows, 'Bravo! Tirigney,' cried he, no longer able to contain
himself ; ' broader far than the round on that target the brow of
the murderer of your father.' ' The murderer of my father !' said
the astonished youth ; 'are you not then my father1?' "
"Half willing, half unwilling, Croit-a-bhoineide related his sad
tale. Their plans were soon matured. With a band of chosen
men, the young Tirigney and his trusty saviour stole privily into
the Braes of Athole. The men were concealed in his father's old
•barn, while he with Croit-a-bhoineide applied for shelter at the
.house of his father's foster-nurse. At first she refused admittance,
but on the reiterated assurance that the son of her foster-child
stood at the door — ' Let him then breathe through the key-hole,'
said she ; ' for I would know the breath of a Mackintosh.' The
youth did as requested. ' Yes, yes ! ' cried the gladdened old
woman, as undoing the bolt she admitted them ; ' a true Mackin-
tosh— my foster-child's son indeed.' The nurse and Croit-a-
bhoineide shortly after went out separately to reconnoitre. The
latter, on his way to Blair Castle, met near by an old woman, who
inquired, ' What armed band of men was that I saw at the big
barn of Tirigney ? ' ' An armed band that you will never see
again,' replied Croit-a-bhoineide, as he plunged his dirk into her
heart. He threw the body into a ditch out of the way.
Remember, gentlemen, she was only an old woman, and Croit-a-
bhoineide feared her chattering might lead to discovery, and mar
their plans. Some have it that the nurse had learned the Big
Cumming was honouring by his presence the marriage of one of
his retainers ; that the Mackintosh partisans got between him and
the Castle ; that the alarm was given, and that Cumming rushed
for his stronghold, but, finding himself intercepted, directed his
flight up Glen tilt. Others say that an ambush was laid near the
-Castle ; that a party of Mackintoshes came forward to make a
feint assault, and afterwards fled, drawing out the Cummings in
pursuit ; that the ambush intercepted their retreat ; and that
those who escaped from the short combat which ensued, fled with
their leader up Glentilt.
" The streams that join the Tilt all the way to its source recall
'by their names the places where some of the fugitives fell. Thus
•236 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
we have Allt-ua-niaraig, pudding-burn ; Allt-na-strone, the rose-
burn ; Allt Lurg-na-smearn, the burn of the Shin of Marrow, and
so forth.
" Alone at last, dimming the Big turned away by Lochloch,,
east of 'Ben-a-ghloe nan Eag.' But young Mackintosh and
Croit-a-bhoineide still pursued. They kept on one side of the
loch, the murderer on the other. As he sat down to rest a
moment on a large stone, raising his hand to wipe away the
perspiration, an arrow from the bow of Tirigney pinned that hand
to his brow, and the Big Gumming fell dead. Carn-a-Chuimaneich,.
Cumming's Cairn, still marks the spot."
Such is the tradition in Athole and Braemar, and in
Strathardle it is the same, with the addition that Gumming
the Big's brother accompanied him in his flight, and stood
beside him when he was shot at^ Leac-na-diollaid. When
the brother saw him fall, he at once continued his flight
eastwards through Glenloch and down Glen Fernate, closely fol-
lowed by the vengeful Sheirgan alone, as Croit-a-bhoineide, being
now an old man, was much fatigued. The chase continued down
Glen Fernate on the north bank of the river, which happened to-
be in full flood, Tirigney gaining very fast on Gumming. When
they came to the Coileum, where the river rushes through a*
narrow chasm between two rocks, Gumming saw his last chance,
and with one desperate bound leapt across the foaming torrent.
Mackintosh dared not follow, but he drew his bow, and sent an
arrow across, which killed Gumming as he fled up the brae on the
south side of the river. So fell the other Big Gumming, and he
was buried where he fell, where his grave is to be seen to this day.
1280. — About this time I find a charter by Duncan, Earl of Fife,
to Sir Robert Lander of part of the lands of Balmacrochie, in Middle
Strathardle, an estate which, as will be afterwards seen from the
different charters 1 will give, was continually changing superiors-
for several centuries, though part of it was always held by the
Clan Fergusson, who were also proprietors of Easter Balmacrochie,
or Woodhill as it is now called, for over 700 years, till the last laird,.
Adam Fergusson, sold the estate and went to America early in,
this century. This charter also includes the lands of Upper
Blavalg, at the head of Glenderby, which were then in the Barony
of Strathord, just as we find them at the Rebellion of 1745, when
Lord Nairne held Strathord, Glenderby, and Blavalg. This
charter is preserved in the Advocates' Library,. Edinburgh (No. 57,
book of Original Charters, by Sir J. Balfour, No. 15-1-18), and as
it is very interesting and valuable, showing as it does how land
Sketches of Strathardle. 237
•was held at that early date in Strathardle, I will give the
following translation of it, as given in Col. Robertson's Earldom of
Athole, p. 5: — "To all who shall see or hear this charter, Duncan,
Earl of Fife, wishes everlasting salvation in the Lord. — Know that
we have given, granted, and by this our present charter confirmed,
to Sir Robert Lawedre, Knight, for his homage and service, all
our land of Balmacoychely and all our land of Loghibride, that,
namely, which Lord Robert, the Rector of the Church there, held
from us in farm, together with all our land of Upper Blabolg, in
our Barony of Strathurd, within the Sheriffship of Perth. — To
have and to hold by the said Sir Robert, his heirs and assignees,
of us and our heirs, hi fee and heritage for ever, by all their right
ineiths and marches, freely, quietly, fully, peacefully, and honour-
ably, in huntings and fowlings, ways, paths, woods, haughs, lakes,
waters, warrens, fish ponds, mills, multures, moors, marshes,
fields, meadows, hainings, pastures, and with all other liberties,
•conveniences, easements, and just pertinents named or unnamed,
to the said land belonging, or that may belong in future. — Per-
forming thence to us and our heirs, the said Sir Robert, his heirs
.and assignees, three suits of Court yearly, at the three Capital
Pleas, of our court of Strathurd, together with the extrinsic
Scotch service to our Lord, the King of Scotland, from the said
land, yearly, duly, and customarily. — And rendering thence to us
and to our heirs one pair of gilt spurs at the feast of Christmas
yearly, if demanded, for all other secular exaction, service, or
demand, which may be claimed by us and our beirs. Moreover,
we, Duncan and our heirs aforesaid, shall warrant, secure, and
defend forever the whole land aforesaid, with all that pertains or
may pertain to it, to the said Sir Robert, his heirs and assignees,
against all men and weinen."
1292. — In this year Sir Eustace Rattray of Rattray gave to
Cupar Abbey a charter of the lands of the two Drimmies : —
" Carta donatiionis eisdem monachis, per Eustachium de Retaife
dominum de eodem de toto uire quod habet in trritorio de Drumys,
in tenemento de Glenbatlack," <fcc., &c. And his son. Sir Adam
Rattray, also the same year gave the Abbey the lands of Duntay
in Glenbathlock. This Sir Adam Rattray, at the same time, was
compelled, along with most of the other Scotch barons, to submit
to King Kdward I. of England, which he also had to do again in
1296.
1297. — In this year Sir William Wallace visited Cupar Abbey,
and resided there for some time after he had defeated the English
at Perth ; and at the same time he reduced the Castles of Dundee,
23& Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Forfar, Brechin, Montrose, and Aberdeen, in which exploits the
Strathardle men assisted him.
1308. — In Robertson's "Index of Charters," about this date, I
find a charter of King Robert the Bruce, of the lands of Mause in.
Lower Strathardle, to John de Kinnynmonth, and it is interesting
to notice that about five centuries later the Laird of Kindrogan
married the heiress of Kinmonth.
At the same time Bruce gave a charter of the lands of Druni-
lochy to Thomas de Camera, or Chalmers, the ancestor of another
old Strathardle family. Index of Charters, 19-95.
1314. — King Robert the Bruce gives a charter to Sir Neil
Campbell, and Mary, his spouse, sister to the King, and John,,
their son, of all the lands which were David, Earl of Athole's.
This son John wras afterwards the famous Sir John Campbell of
Moulin, who built the old Black Castl^of Moulin.
In the same year the Bruce gave a charter to his nephew,
young Neil Campbell, of Kirkmichael, Dalrulzion, Dunie, and
other lands in Strathardle. It is given in Robertson's Index of
Charters, 26-27 : — " Carta to Nigelli Oge, the lands of Killmychill,
Drondrayllen, Dunnor, Keyllpoll, Reythenan, in vicecom Perth."
The men of Strathardle were loyal and true to the Bruce, and
fought under him at Bannockburn.
1317. — in this year King Robert the Bruce resided at Cupar
Abbey for some time, and hunted in the forests of Strathardle.
There is an old tradition of the Bruce hunting on Pitcarmick Hill,
near the little lake of Loch-nan-Biorrach, a place of evil repute tx>
this day, and for centuries one of the most dreaded spots in the
district for travellers to pass, even in daylight, as it was supposed
to be haunted by all sorts of spirits, and I well remember, when a
boy, how carefully I kept away from its dark wraters. As the
story goes, Bruce had a favourite hound, which, as they were
hunting near Loch-nam-Biorrach, raised and pursued some " droch-
bheist" — some evil or uncanny beast — that haunted the loch. It
endeavoured to reach the loch, but was prevented, and it fled up-
Corrie-Charaish, pursued by the hound, which gained on it very
fast. When it reached the head of the corrie, it sped up the face
of Craig Corrie-Charaish to the famous cave near the top of that
hill, into which it disappeared, followed by the hound, whose bay-
ing and barking could be heard for some time after, getting feebler
as it descended into the bowels of the earth, till at last all was
still. Bruce and his companions waited long for his favourite
hound to reappear, but in vain, as the dog did not return, and
they gave it over as lost. About a week after that, the hound,.
Sketches of Strathardle. 239
torn, bleeding, and starved, was seen coming out of the opening
of a small cave in the rocks of Craighall, about a dozen miles down
the strath. What became of the "evil beast" is not known, as it
was never seen again, but the poor dog must have had a long and
weary experience of the lower regions before it once more appeared
above ground at Craighall. To this day there is believed to be an
underground passage between Craig Corrie-Charaish cave and
Craighall rocks ; and I have known old keepers who so firmly
believed this, that, when fox-hunting, they would not allow their
terriers to go near that cave, for fear of their landing at Craighall.
The entrance to this cave is low and narrow, and at some distance
from its mouth a great, dark, yawning chasm sinks down into the
very bowels of the earth, and when a stone is thrown in, it is
heard rumbling and knocking down against the rocky sides till
the sound is lost in the far distance. The mouth of this famous
cave was filled up with large stones some years ago, by Mr M'Nab,
the then tenant of Pitcarmick, as his sheep were in the habit
of going in and getting lost. If all old tales be true, perhaps he
might have found these lost sheep amongst the rocks of Craighall,
had he looked there for them. I hope some day the depths of
this famous cave may be explored. There is another famous cave
a little further south, at Craig-na-h-Uaimhaigh (Rock of the Cave),
in Dunkeld wood, the other end of which is said to be near Loch
Ordie. Several of Prince Charlie's Strathardle followers took
refuge there in the troublous times after Culloden, and lived there
in safety till better times. No doubt the most blood-thirsty of
Cumberland's butchers would think twice before he attempted to
follow' them underground as far as Loch Ordie.
1320. — About this time we find the Rattrays of Rattray very
powerful barons in lower Strathardle, and taking a leading part in
the affairs of the kingdom. Dr Marshall, in his " Historic Scenes
in Perthshire," says : — " Alexander Rattray was one of the barons
of the Parliament held at Ayr in 1315, which settled the succession
to the Scottish Crown. His brother Eustatiue, who succeeded
him, was, in the Parliament held at Perth in 1320, charged with
being an accomplice in the conspiracy of Sir William Soulis and
Sir David Brechin against Robert the Bruce, but on investigation
the charge was found false, and he received an honourable
acquittal."
David, Earl of Athole, at Scone, confirms the lands of Moulin,
etc., to the Abbey of Dunfermline, and as the old names are
interesting, I may give them, as in " Index of Charters," 28-7 : —
" Appunctnamentum parliumenti tenti apud Sconam, 1323, inter
240 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Davidem de Hastyngs et Abbatem et Conventum de Dumferline,
super terris de Molyn, Petdunedy, Petmalduc, Balcolme Pet
M'Duffgyll," Ac.
1333. — This was a great year in the annals of Strathardle.
John Munro, tutar of Foulis, and a party of the Clan Munro, were
returning to Ross-shire from Edinburgh, and travelled north
through Strathardle, and up Glen Fernate. Night coming on
they encamped on a little haugli on the north side of the Fernate
above Craiglosgte, but they neglected to ask the usual permission
from the proprietor to encamp on his lands. This neglect the
men of Glen Fernate took as an insult, and in revenge they, during
•the night, cut the tails off all Munro's horses, in memory of which
that haugh is still called " Dal-nan-earball "—Field of Tails, to
this day. Munro determined on revenge, and hastening home to
Ross, gathered 350 of the best men of fiis clan, returned to Strath-
ardle, devastated the country, killed many of the people, and carried
off all their cattle. So savage was this raid carried out, and
so disastrous the consequences, that it gave rise to a very bitter
•hatred in Strathardle against the north country clans, which was
the origin of the common Strathardle proverb : — "Cha thainig ni
math riamh a tuath, ach a ghaoth i'huair s' t'-fhoghair" — " Nothing
good ever came out of the north, but the cold wind in harvest." A
noted Strathardle worthy, who died about half a century ago, and
whose wife was from Ross, used to relieve his pent up feelings, on
the occasion of domestic squabbles, by quoting this old proverb for
her edification.
Munro got the Strathardle cattle, but he had to fight again for
them before he got them home to Foulis ; for, when passing Moy,
the Chief of Mackintosh demanded part of the spoil. This was
customary amongst the clans when a party drove a "Creach" of
lifted cattle through another Chief's property, and was called a
" Staoig Rathaid " or " Staoig Creich "—a Road Collop. Munro
ottered a fair share, but Mackintosh demanded half the spoil, and
as he did not get it, gathered his clan in hot haste and pursued to
take the whole by force, an exploit which ended in the great clan
battle of Clachnaharry.
As Sir Robert Gordon, in his "History of the Earldom of
Sutherland," page 46, gives a very good account of this affair, I
may give it here : — " John Munro, tutar of Foulis, travelling
homewards on his journey from the south of Scotland towards
Rosse, did repose himself by the way in Strath erdale, between
Sanct Johnstoun (Perth) and Athole, where he fell at varience
with the inhabitants of that country, who had abused him, which
Sketches of Strathardle. 241
he determined to revenge. Being returned home to Rosse, he
gathered together his whole kinsmen and followers and declared
into them as he had been used, craving . with all their aid in
revenging himself of that injurie. Unto the which motion they
barkened willinglie, and yeelded to assist him to the whole of
their abilities. Wereupon he singled out thrie hundered and
fyftie of the best and ablest men amongst them and went with
these to Strathardaill, which he wasted and spoiled, killed some
of the people, and carried away their cattle. In his return home,
as he was passing by the ile of Moy with the prey, Mackintosh
(Cheftain of the Clann Chattan) sent to him to crave a pairt of the
spoile, being persuaded hereto by some evil disposed pepleous
about him, and challanging the same as due into him by custome.
John Munro in curtsie offered into Mackintosh a reasonable pirt,
when he thorow evill councole refused to accept, and would have
no less than the half of the whole booty, whereunto Munro would
not harken nor yield, bot goelt on his intended journey home-
wards. Mackintosh convenes his forces with all dillegence and
followes Munro, whom he overtook at Clagh-ne-Hayre, besid
Inverness, hard by the ferry of Kessock. John, perceiving
Mackintosh and his companie following them hard at hand, he
sent fiftie of his men home to Ferrindonald with the spoile, and
encouraged the rest of his followers to fight, so there ensued a
cruel conflict, wherein Mackintosh was slain with most pairt of his
companie, divers of the Munros were also slain. John Munro was
left as deid in the field, and was taken up by the Lord Lovat, his
predicessors, who carried him to his house, where he was cured of
his wounds, and was from thenceforth called John Bacclawigh,
because he was mutilate of one of his hands all the rest of his
days. From this John Munro the familie of Milntoun Munro
descended."
In a lecture given by the Rev. Alex. Macgregor in Inverness
in 1875, he gave a graphic account of this famous raid, and in a
conversation I afterwards had \vith hirn he told me that a Strath-
ardle man told him over thirty 37ears before that the field on
which the Munro's encamped when the tails were cut off their
horses was well known, and still called " Dai-nan -earball " — Field
of Tails, and Mr Macgregor asked me if I knew it. I told him I
did not, though I was quite familiar with the circumstances of the
raid. I then made every possible inquiry, my only- clue being
that Mr Macgregor knew it was a "high-lying haugh near the
river," but I could not fix the spot, though I visited every likely
place above Bridge of Cally, and cross-examined all the old folks.
16
242 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
For eleven years I was unsuccessful, till at last I got a letter from
my old teacher, Mr Morrison, the able and worthy schoolmaster of
Kirkmichal, to whom I had at first applied for assistance,
saying : — " I was lately in Gleushee seeing an old man, Robert
Fleming, with whom I had a conversation about his earlier days.
His parents removed to Glen Fernate when he was a child to the
service of the late Mr Spottiswood. I asked him if he knew a
place by the name of Dal-na-earball. He said he knew it welL
It is that level haugh above Craig-losgte on the north side of the
Fernate, at the foot of a round hill. There is a small stream
winding through it. I am afraid old Rob is now one of the very
last to recognize the place."
I was very pleased indeed to get this valuable information, and
so to be able to settle exactly the locality of one of our most
historic scenes in Strathardle. Had it^iot been for Mr Morrison's
kind interest in hunting up this place, and the happy chance of
his meeting old Rob away in lone Glenshee, the secret of the
whereabouts of Dal-nan-earball would have died with the old man,
who soon after went over to the majority, which shows that not a
moment should be lost in collecting what is left of our old lore.
1335. — This was a black year for Strathardle, f r after the
terrible ravages of the Munros, and the carrying away of all their
cattle, the country was in a very bad state, which was aggravated
by a terrible famine all over Scotland at the same time ; Tytler, in
his History of Scotland, says : — " A grevious famine, occasioned
by the continual ravages of war and the cessation of all regular
agricultural labour, had for sonic time desolated Scotland.'' And
in Peacock's " Annals of Perth," page 69, we read : — " At this
time a severe famine raged in Scotland, by which thousands of the
lower classes in Perth, as well as other places, perished." No
doubt such dire consequence following cured the good folk of
Strathardle from indulging in such practical joking as cutting off
horses' tails.
1336. — Still another year of war, want, famine, and turmoil in
Strathardle, as it was overrun by both friend and foe, including
Sir Andrew Moray, Regent of Scotland, and even the great King
Edward of England himself, who, after a forced march, endeavoured
to surprise and capture the Regent Moray at Strone of Cally ;
but the Regent, after showing surpassing coolness and bravery,
eluded Edward, who then marched the English army up Strath-
ardle, over the hill to Blair Athole. In Skene's, John of Fcrdun's,
" Orygynale Cronykyle," page 353, we read : — " In 1336, in the
month of October, Andrew of Moray, then Guardian of Scotland,
Sketches of Strathardle. 243
mustered an army, and besieging the strongholds of Dunnotter,
KynniefF, and Lauriston took them and levelled them to the
ground. Then he tarried the whole winter in the Forest of
Platen and other very safe places in Angus, being often waylaid
by the English, and braving their dangerous attacks. So through
the ceaseless marauding of both sides the whole land of Gowrie,
Angus, and Mearns was almost, for the most part, reduced to a
hopeless wilderness and to utter want."
Tytler says, in his " History of Scotland," Vol. I., page 180:—
" Prompted by the restless desire so often formed, and so con-
stantly defeated, of compelling the subjugation of Scotland, the
English Monarch penetrated first to Perth, and afterwards into
the more northern parts of the kingdom. His march was, as usual,
marked by the utter destruction of the district through which it lay.
After wasting the northern counties, he in vain endeavoured to bring
the Regent, Sir Andrew Moray, to battle. Under the command of
this leader, the Scots, intimately acquainted with the country,
were ever near the enemy, and yet always invisible to them ; and
an anecdote of a masterly retreat made during the northern cam-
paign has been preserved, which is characteristic of the cool
discipline of Moray. On one occasion word being brought to
Edward that the Regent was encamped in the wood of Stronkaltere,
he instantly marched against him. The intelligence was found to
be true, the English and Scottish outposts came in sight of each
other in a winding road leading through the wood, and after some
skirmishing the Scots fell back to inform Moray of the near
approach of the English army. The Regent was then at mass, and
although the danger was imminent, none dared interrupt him
until the service was concluded. On being told that Edward and
his army were at hand in the forest, he observed there was no
need of haste ; and when his squires brought him his horse, he
began quietly to adjust its furniture, and to see that the girths
were tight and secure. When this was going on the English every
moment came nearer, and the Scottish knights around Moray
showed many signs of impatierce. This, it may be imagined, was
not lessened when one of the straps which braced his thigh armour
snapt as he buckled it ; and the Regent, turning to an attendant,
bade him bring a coffer from his baggage, from which he took a
skin of leather, and, sitting down leisurely on the bank, cut off &
broad strip, with which he mended the fracture. He then returned
the box to its place, mounted his horse, arrayed his men in close
column, and commenced his retreat in such order that the English
did not think it safe to attack him ; and having at last gained a
244 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
narrow defile, he disappeared from their view without losing a
man." " I have heard," says Winton, " from knights who were
then present, that in all their life they never found time to go so
slow as when their old commander sat cutting his leather skin in
the wood of Stronkaltyre."
Tytler adds a note : — " The exact position of this ancient wood
cannot now be discovered. I conjecture it was in Perthshire,
somewhere between Dunkeld and Blair." Tytler is quite wrong in
this, as the ancient wood of Stronkaltere is well known to students
of Perthshire history, and is simply the old wood of Stroncally, at
Bridge of Cally, in Strathardle, or as it was usually spelt, Stron-
calady, Stronkalathyn, or Stronkaltere. In proof of this, we find
in the Rent-Roil of Cupar Abbey this ancient wood of Stronkaltyre
very often mentioned, and the Abbey from its very earliest date
always kept a special head forester to Idbk after it. For instance,
in the Rent-Roll, page 198, we find a tack from the Abbot David
in 1473 :— '• Our lands of Calady ar set to Neyl MkKeden for all
the days of his lyfe : And he shall keep the Wuddis (woods) of
Stroyncalady and be master forester of all our wuddis in Strath-
ardyl." So that there can be no doubt whatever about Stron-
kaltere, or Stronkalathyn, as it is differently spelt in old records,
though Tytler was not aware of the ancient spelling of Stroncally,
or oi there being a famous forest there of old, of which we have
many records.
There can be no donbt whatever as to the " narrow defile"
through which the Scottish army disappeared when the English
came upon them, as the entrance to Glenshee up the Blackwater
afforded one of the best possible retreats from Stronecally, and a
few brave men could there have successfully opposed the whole
English army.
After the Regent escaped at Stroncally, Edward inarched the
English army up Strathardle and Glen Brierachan to Blair Athole,
as Winton informs us : —
" And north wartis on his gate can ga
He came to Blare, and there thai lay."
King Edward stayed some time at Blair Castle, on a visit to the
Earl and Countess of Athole, who were then on the English side.
As we have just read, in the quotations given from Tytler, of
Edward's conduct during this expedition: — "His march was as
usual marked by the utter destruction of the districts through
which it lay." Now, if such was the case before, we may be sure
that after being outwitted and out-generaled by the Regent at
Sketches of Strathardle. 245
Stroncally, Edward and his army would be more savage and
destructive than ever during the march up Strathardlo and Glen
Brierachan. Wynton says Edward " was wa " when the Scots
escaped, and as the English were so numerous, 20,000 men, nothing
could have escaped them, so that the whole district must have
suffered utter destruction. As King Edward's attempt to capture
the Regent Moray at Stroncally is one of our principal historical
events in Strathardle, I may give the original account of it as
it is given in Wyntoun's " Orygynale Cronykil" for year 1336 : —
" A thowsand and thre hundyr yhere
And sex and thretty to tha clere,
And then the Kyng of Ingland,
Wyth twenty thousand chosen men,
He held his way wyth his menyhe.
And sune he passyd the Scottis Se ;
And syne to Perth has tane his way.
Schyre Andrew off Murrawe than lay,
Wyth the menyhe that wyth hym were,
In the wode of Stron Kaltere.
That to the Kyng Edward vves tald,
Tharefor evyn till hym he wald,
And came so near in tyll a thrawe,
That thairc dyscoverowris athir sawe
Sum off thaim justyd off were.
Schyr Andre we in Stron Kaltere
Herand his Mes was standand then,
Bot there wes nane of all his men,
That evyr wes in his rowt that day,
That ony word durst till hym say,
Quhill he wes herand Mess, tor he
Thareat suld anoyit be.
Tharefor thai made thaim bowne and bade
Quhill that he herd his Mes all had ;
Than have thai tald till hym how nere
That the Kyng and his gret ost were.
He said, " Na hast," qnhethyr perfay
Hys folk wald fayne have bene away,
For the gret ost wes then so nere
That sum but schort space fro thame were.
Hys hors till hym thai browcht in hy ;
Thai wald, he had bene on blythly.
He hym dressyt his sted to ta ;
Hys cusche laynere brak in twa.
246 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Than wald he iiowcht stere off that place,
Bot for all hast, that evyr thare was
He gert bryng hym a lytill cofyne ;
A rone skyne tuk he thar off syne,
And schayre a (thawyng) all at lay sere,
And tharewyth festynd up his gere.
I herd sere Knychtis syndry say,
That thame tho \vcht nevyre in thare day
So rycht anoyus a bydyng,
As thai had at that (thawyng) scheryng.
He lape on syne, and in aray
Held welle hys folk, and held hys way.
And quhen the Inglis saw thame then
Hald sa togyddyr all thare men,
Thai folowyd, noucht owt <jff aray,
Bot in hale batale folowyd ay
Sa fast that thai had bene ourtane,
Na war, that thai had w}th (thaini) ane,
That kennyd thame a by way,
That ewyn down betwix craggys lay.
Throw that strayte rode, that dewys,
Thai gat welle fra thare innyrnys,
And lefft nothir man na lad.
And (quhen) the Kyng sawe that he had
Tynt thame off swilk wys, he was wa,
And north wartis on his gate can ga,
He came to Blare, and thare thai la} ."
1340. — About this time I find King David II. giving many
charters of lands in the district, such as : — " To John Stewart of
half the lands of Ferdill. To Hugh Blair of the lands of East
Mause, or Maler-eist, paying five chalders of victuall yearly. To
John Hering of the lands of Glasclune. And to Adam of Blan-
cradock the lands of West Mause."
1355.— In Peacock's " Annals of Perth " we read : — " At this
time such dreadful torrents of rain fell in Perthshire as carried
away water-mills, bridges, houses, men, and herds of cattle, and
destroyed many of the towns which stood near the banks of rivers.
These disasters were succeeded by an awful pestilence, which
carried off a great number of the inhabitants. There had also
been a terrible plague in 1346, which carried off a third of the
inhabitants of the kingdom.
1358. — In this year we find Fergus Fergusson, son of Adam,
Baron of Balmacrochie, and Robert, son of Duncan de Atholia,
Sketches of Strathardle. 247
ancestors of the Robertsons of Struan, getting into trouble with
the Sheriff of Perth abnut their lands, as we read in the " Book of
€arth and Fortingall," p. 118 :— " In 1358 the Sheriff of Perth is
allowed £12 for deforcements made upon him by Robert, son of
Duncan (de Atholia), and Eergus, son of Ade, who failed to give
suit for the lands of Balnafert, Ballmacreechie, Bnlnakand," &c.
1365 — Once again we find part of Balmacrochie changing
hands, as there is a charter in Robertson's Index, 49-4, of the
lands of Balmacrochie, Logybryde, and Blavalg, to the Abbey of
Dunfermline. These lands, as we have already seen, were granted
to Sir Robert Lawdere in 1 280.
1375.— In this year we find King Robert II. residing twice
during the winter at Cupar Abbey, and hunting in Strathardle ;
and he dates one of his charters in Glenshee, and another at
€upar, to his nephew, James de Lindsay, of lands in the Thanedom
of Alyth, and the old Castle of Inverqueich, which for long was a
stronghold of the Lindsay s. The charter as given in the " Index,"
121-75, is : — " The castle stead of Invercuych, together with the
lands within the same Thanedom of Alyth, which belonged to
Thomas de Rettre." In this year also died, David, the last of the
ancient Celtic Earls of Athole ; and Skene says : — " When the
Celtic Earls of Athole became extinct, and, in consequence, the
subordinate clans in the district of Athole assumed independence,
the principal part of that district was in the possession of the Clan
Donnachie, or the Robertsons." Up till the end of last century
most of the upper part of Strathardle belonged to that powerful
clan.
1389. — In this year one of the greatest events in the annals of
Strathardle took place — the famous Raid of Angus, when the Clan
Donnachie, or Robertsons, led by the sons of their chief — Robert,
Patrick, Thomas, and Gibbon, and other allied clans, under the
leadership of Duncan Stewart, son of the famous and ferocious
Alexander Stewart, called the Wolf of Badenoch, fourth son of
King Robert II., made a raid, and harried Glen Isla, Glen Esk,
and other districts of Angus, killing many of the Ogilvies and
Lindsays, and driving off all their cattle. The men of these dis-
tricts gathered, and followed the Highlanders to Glasclune, in the
Sormont, where a bloody battle was fought, in which the Clan
Donnachie were victorious, and they continued their march up
Strathardle, driving their spoil before them. Meanwhile, news of
the raid had spread all over the country, and most of the Angus
lairds gathered their forces, and. joining the defeated men of Glen
Isla and Glen Esk, hurried up Strathardle, and overtook the High-
248 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
landers at Dalnagarn, at the very head of Glen Brierachaiu
Here a second battle took place, one of the riercest ever fought in
all the conflicts of the clans, when the Highlanders, in kilt and
plaid, and armed only with target and claymore, met and routed
the flower of Scottish chivalry, mounted, and armed with long
lances, and fully clad in steel armour of the finest temper, and led
by Sir David Lindsay of Glen Esk, the most renowned warrior of
his time in Scotland, Sir Walter Ogilvie, Sir Patrick Gray, and
other barons of equal renown. Tytler, in his " History of Scot-
land," Vol. II., page 3, says :— " Sir Walter Ogilvie, then Sheriff of
Angus, along with Sir Patrick Gray, and Sir David Lindsay, of
Glen Esk, instantly collected their power, and, although inferior
in numbers, trusting to the temper of their armour, attacked the .
mountaineers. But they were almost instantly overwhelmed, the
Highlanders fighting with a ferocity and contempt of life, which
seem to have struck a panic into their steel-clad assailants.
Ogilvie, with his brother, Wat of Lichtoune, Young of Ouchter-
lony, the lairds of Cairncross, Forfar, and Guthrie, were slain, and!
sixty men-at-arms along with them, whilst Sir Patrick Gray andi
Sir David Lindsay were grievously wounded, and with difficulty
carried off' the field. The indomitable fierceness of the
mountaineers is strikingly shewn by an anecdote preserved by
Wynton : — ' Lindsay had pierced one of these, a brawny and power-
ful man, through the body with his spear, and thus apparently
pinned him to the ground, but although mortally wounded, and
in the agonies of death, he writhed himself up by main strength,
and, with the weapon in his body, struck Lindsay a desperate blow
with his sword, which cut him through the stirrup and steel-boot
into the bone, after which his assailant instantly sank down and
expired.'"
A good deal of confusion exists amongst our old writers about
the raid of Angus ; Bower and some others give the date as 1391.
Bower says: — "In 1391 the Caterns invaded the Braes of Angus,
with Duncan Stewart at their head, and were encountered by
AValter Ogilvie, Sheriff of Angus, with such of the barons of Angus
and their followers as he could hastily summons, at a place called
Glenbrereth (Glen Brierachan), where the Sheriff and sixty of his.
followers were slain " (Scotichconicon, vol. ii., page 450).
Wyntoun and others give the date as 1392, but both these date*
are wrong, and it must have been in 1389, as we find the King,
Robert III., holding a Council at Perth, for making arrangements
for punishing the leaders of the Highlanders, as early as 20th
March, 1390. Skene, in his " Celtic Scotland," vol. in., page 309,
Sketches of Strathardle. 249
says : — " It is unnecessary to enter into the particulars of the con-
flict, striking though the details are, but we have more certain
information as to the leaders of the Highlanders in a brief, issued
by King Robert III. at a general council held at Perth on 20th
March, 1390, and addressed to the Sheriff and bailiffs of Aberdeen,
directing them to put to the horn as outlaws the following persons
guilty of the slaughter of Walter de Ogilvie, Walter de Lichton,
and others of the King's leiges : — Duncan and Robert Stewarts,
Patrick and Thomas Duncansons, Robert de Athale, Andrew
Macnayr, Duncan Bryceson, Angus Mac nay r, and John Ayson,
junior, and all others their adherents, and as taking part with
them in the slaughter ; Slurach and his brothers, with the whole
Clanqwhevil, £c. (N. Acts of Parlinment, vol. i., page 579). The
Stewarts were sons of the Wolf of Badenoch, Earl of Buchan ; the
Duncansons, with Robert de Atholc, were the heads of the Clan
Donnachie, descended from the old Earls of Athole, who possessed
the north-western district bordering on Badenoch ; the Macnayrs
possessed Foss, in Strathtunmiel ; and the Aysons, Tullymet, in
Athole. The others belonged to Buchan and Strathnairn, and were
followers of the Wolf of Badenoch ; and the cause of the raid seems
to have arisen from this — that Sir David Lindsay had inherited
Glenesk in Angus and the district of Strathnairn from his mother,
one of the daughters and co-heirs of Sir John Stirling of Glenesk,
while another of the daughters had married Robert de Atholia,
chief of the Clan Donnachie. His possession of Strathnairn would
bring him into contact with the Wolf of Badenoch and the northern
elans, and a quarrel regarding the succession probably brought the
Clan Donnachie into the field."
I find another link of connection, which Skene seems to have
overlooked, in Col. Robertson of Lude's " Earldom of Athole,"
where we find (pages 26-27) that Robert de Atholia, and his wife,
the co-heiress of Glenesk's daughter ; also Janet, married the Wolf
of Badenoch's son, Duncan Stewart, the leader of the Highlanders
at the raid of Angus. This Duncan Stewart \vas the ancestor of
the Stewarts of Garth, Bonskeid, Fincastle, &c.
The Angus barons overtook the Highlanders at Dalnagarn, at
the very head of the Glen, and the battle took place on the field to
the west of the farmhouse, which, as before mentioned, took its
name, Dal-nan-carn, Field of Cairns, from the cairns raised over the
slain, according to the ancient custom of the Highlanders, both as
a memorial and to prevent wolves from scratching up the bodies.
When defeated, the Angus men fled eastward, and many other
place names in the Glen still recal the deeds of that famous day,
250 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
such as Cluneskea, Cluan-cath, Haugh of Battle ; Dalchosnie,
Field of Victory, on the south side of the river opposite Tomchulan,
where the Angus men made their last stand ; Clash Cath, Pass or
Ravine of Battle, that narrow pass at the very foot of Craig-
nan-Cunaig, one of the most romantic spots, and finest bits of
scenery, and one of the most unfrequented places in Strathardle,
through which the defeated barons rode, and where they lost
many men, whose bodies were afterwards thrown into the little
loch — Loch-an-Dun, or An Lochan Dubh — the Black Loch of the
Dun, which ever since then has had a very evil repute as being
haunted by the ghosts of the slain Angus men. The Choic-Dhubh
—Black Hillocks — that range of black heathery knowes that lie
between the Pass of Clash cath and the present road from Ceann-
ghline to Strathloch, also got their name then, and ever since
have been reputed about the very w^orst haunted place in the
district, and up till the present generation the bravest men in the
glen did not care to take that road after dark, and always had an
eerie feeling, especially in passing the burn that comes from Loch-
an-Dun. A lady friend of mine told me not long ago that the
worst fright ever she got was when a girl at school she was playing
with others in the Cnoic-Dhubh, where the burn from Loch-an-
Dun passes under the road, and on looking into the dark pend
under the road, she saw something blood-red which, from the evil
repute of the place, she at once set down as something uncanny,
but which on further investigation turned out to be only old
Norman Shaw, the road surfaceman's dinner tied up in an old
Turkey-red handkerchief. Such were the effects of superstition
which lingered there and kept alive the memories of deeds done
nearly six centuries before.
Early in this century a number of silver coins were found on
Stronchavie, which are supposed to have been hid there immedi-
ately before or after the battle of Dalnagarn. Colonel Robertson
ot Lude, in his " Gaelic Topography of Scotland," p. 337, says ; —
" Glenbrierachan is in Athole, and is derived from ' Glean n-braighe-
riabhach-an,' and signifies the valley of the stream of the great
heights. Within this glen the Clan Donnachie, or Robertsons of
Athole, gained a second victory over the Lindsays, who had
followed them to their own country after the battle of Glasclune,
where the Lindsays were also defeated, and which is known in
Scotch history as the Raid of Angus. Near the site of this
ancient battle, in Glenbrierachan, there was found about fifty
years ago a considerable number of silver coins of the period. It
is probable the owner had hid them there before the fight began,
but had been killed."
Sketches of Strathardle. 251
In the New Statistical Account of the Parish of Moulin, we
read : — " Coins have been dug up in different parts of the parish.
A few of Edward I. of England, and Alexander III. of Scotland,
were found several years ago on the farm of Stronchavie, in
Glenbrierachan." ' And in the same work, the Rev. David Duff, in
the account of the Parish of Kenmore, says : — " In the Parish of
Moulin, when the writer was minister of that place, there were
found well up towards the ridge of a lofty hill at the head of
Olenbrierachan, nearly two dozen of the same kind of coins, of
which two or three were of Alexander, and the rest of Edward.
Of these the writer has half-a-dozen, and the singularity regarding
those of Edward is, that while the obverse of all presents the head
of the King, the reverse of one bears the inscription ' Civitas
Cantor ;' of another, •' C. London ;' of another, ' C. Eborac ;' and
of a fourth, ' C. Dunelm ;' thus indicating, as it were, the different
stages of the progress of that rapacious monarch towards his
destined prey."
I made a very interesting discovery last year when at Dalna-
garn visiting my respected friend Mr Donald Stewart, the present
tenant. In talking over the battle, I asked him if ever he had
come across any relics of it in tilling the ground ; and he told me
that some years ago one of his sons had found an ancient stone
grave when ploughing in the middle of the field of battle. 1
wrote that son, Mr John Stewart of St Fink, for details, and he
replied as follows : — " I remember quite well, several years ago, of
coming on an ancient stone grave in that field. I was ploughing,
and the horses having taken fright at a shot fired there, I stuck
the plough deep into the ground to stop them, and came right
against the stones. I would have thought nothing about it, had
it not been for the strange hollow sound I heard, which caused me
to examine it. There were two flat stones lying on the top, about
two feet from the surface. They were lying north and south. I
•did not see but the one grave, and when taking out the stones I
did not see any trace of bones, only I must say I was not looking
for them ; but I came across pieces of old metal. I have come
across several other flat stones near the same place. I have also
come across several pretty large cairns on the hill to the east of
Dalnagarn, and I have no doubt but that if they were dug out to
the bottom they would reveal something."
I have no doubt but what this stone giave was that of Sir
Walter Ogilvie, or of some of the other Angus barons who fell
with him there, and that the other flat stones Mr Stewart refers
•to very likely cover the other graves, and no doubt the pieces of
252 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
old metal he found were the remains of those suits of mail, of
tempered steel, in which the bold barons put so much faith, but
which proved of so little use as a defence against the tremendous
blows of the Highland claymores. As to the several cairns he
mentions on the hill to the east of Dalnagarn, no doubt they were
raised over the remains of some of the fugitives who fell there on
their retreat from Dalnagarn, as part of them fled along the south
side of the river by Dalchosnie.
I may now conclude this account of the battle of Glenbrier-
achan by giving the poetical account of it given by old Andrew of
Wyntoim in his " Orygynale Cronykil off Scotland." I must,
however, point out that he makes a mistake both as to the time
and place of the battle, giving the date as 1392, when we know-
now from the Acts of Parliament that it took place in 1389. He
also mixes up the two battles together making all the fighting to
take place at Glasclune, whereas we know that the Angus barons
were not at Glasclune at all, only the men of the raided glens of
Isla and Esk fought there, and the Angus lairds afterwards joined
these and followed on to Glenbrierachan. However, a Churchman
living quietly in St Andrews Abbey is to be excused though he
gets rather confused about the conflicts of the clans. W3Tntoun
•says (Book IX., Chapter xiv.) : —
" When slane wes off Angus
The Scherrawe gud and vertuous.
A thousande thre hundyr ninty and twa
Fra Cryste wes born off Maria,
Thar fel a hey grete dyscorde
Between Schir Davy Lyndesay, Lorde
Off Glenesk, and the Hey land men.
Thre chifftanys gret war oft thaim then
Thomas, Patrik, and Gibbone ;
Duncansonnys wes thare surnowne.
For this discorde a day or twa
Wes set, bot all held nocht of tha.
Sohir Davy de Lyndesay, that wes wys,
Trowit nocht in tha in, bot malys ;
ID prevate he send fon-thi
Up into the land a spy.
Fra that spy passit in that land,
Off hym hard he na tithand,
Quhil thare com down all suddenly
Off Scottis a gret cumpany :
Sketches of Strathardle.
Off tha like Hyeland-men
Thrc hundyr, or ma, ware sowmyt then.
The Schirrane of Angus in Ketymys lay,
And by hym neire Schyr Patrik Gray,
The Lord de Lyndesay at Dundee.
Quher word ourspred than the can trie,
That the Scottis Hieland-men
War*; neire the wattyr off He then.
Schyr Walter off Ogylvy, that gud knycht,
Stowt and manfull, bald and \vycht ;
And the gad knycht Patrik Gray,
That in the cuntre that nycht lay ;
Schyr Davy Lyndesay out off Dundee
Sped hyrn fast at thaim to lee ;
Wyth tha thre Lord is gadrit then
Passit few atoure thre scor of men.
The Scherrane and Schyr Patrik Gray
As foremost held the nearest way,
And thoucht to gere sum thing be done,
Suppos the Lyndesay nevyr sa sone
Suld cum amang the Scottis men.
Befor the lawe tha Knychtis then,
That ware of harte baith stern and stout,
Presyt thame fast to skaile that rout.
In the stermond at Gasklune
That dulefule dawerke that tyme wes done.
Suhile thai ware in that pres fechtand,
The Lyndesay gud wes at thare hand,
And if tha Scottis heire and thare
Sum he slewe, sum wondyt sare,
Sua, on his hors he sittand than
Throw the body he stray k a man
Wytht his spere down to the erde :
That man held fast his awyn swerd
In tyl his neve, and up thrawand
He pressit hym, nocht agayn standand
That he was pressit to the erd,
And wyth a swake thare off his swerd
The sterup lethaire and the bute
Thre ply on foure abune the fute
He straik the Lyndesay t* the bane
That man na straike gave bot that ane,
For thar he deit ; yeit nevirtheless
254 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
, That gud Lord thare wondit wes,
And had deit thare that day,
Had nocht his men had hym away
Agane his wil out of that pres.
Sohir Patrike Gray sare wondyt wes,
And trowyt thar til haff bene ded,
Had he nocht bene had of that stede.
Gud Schir Walter off Ogylwy,
That manly knycht and that worthy
Scherrane that tyme of Angus,
Godlike, \vis, and vertuous ;
And a gud squire off grete renown
His bruthire Wat, cald off Lichtoune
(To this gud Scherrane off Angus
Halff bruthire he wes, and^icht famous ;
Off syndry fadris ware thai twa,
Off lauchful bed ilkane of tha)
Carncors, Forfare, and Guthery,
And Wylliame Yong of Ouchtirlony,
And uthir gentillis and yomen ma
Off his kyn and his (house) alswa
Wald nocht fra hym pas away ;
Bot bidand in the feyld that day,
Slane al togiddyr (thai) war,
That bidand ware wyth the Scherrane thare,
Al oure land sare menyt done
That dulefull dawerk at Gasklune.
This " doleful work at Glasklune," which good old Wyntoune
laments so pathetically, was not done there at all, as we have
already seen, but at Dalnagarn, and there the " gud Sheriff " lies,
with the " other gentles of his kin, who would not from him pass
away, but stayed in the field that day, slain all together."
1402. — In this year I find a charter from King Robert III. to
Thomas Dimcanson, or Robertson — the first Robertson on record
called " of Struan " (the previous title being " de Atholia ") — and
who was one of the leaders of the Clan Dcmiachie at the raid of
Angus, of the lands of Straloch, Easter Davan, Tomanturie,
Dekerwand, and Dalcharinch (now Glen Fernate Lodge). This is
the first written record I have come across of the Clan Donnachie's
connection with Strathardle. This charter is given in Robertson's.
" Index of Charters," 141-47 : — " To Thomas Duncanson of Athol,
of the lands of Strathloche, Easter Davache, and Tomcury, Dekar-
Sketches of Strathardle. 255-
wand, and Dalacharmy." The next charter in the " Index," No.
48, is also to Thomas Dimcanson of Athole, " of the lands of
Strowane, ane ratification of all his lands, with a taillie." About
the same time I find a charter— " Index " 148-32— to William
Buttar, of the lands of Gormack. And also a charter — " Index "
149-43 — to James Spalding of the lands of Fermall and Fornachty
in Forfarshire. These charters are the first records I have found
of the old families of Buttar and, Spalding, who have been so long
connected with Strathardle.
1404. — The winter of this year was noted for one of the
greatest snow storms ever known in Perthshire. In the " Chronicle
of Fortingall we read : — "In the year of the Lord 1404 a great
snow fell generally on the land at the Feast of All Saints, and
remained, increasing always, even to the Feast of St Patrick."
That is, from 1st November to 17th March, a period of nineteen
weeks, the snow went on increasing.
Having now, in this second paper, followed the history of Strath-
ardle for about another four centuries, I will leave what follows for
another vear.
ANNUAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twentieth Annual Assembly of the Society was held in
the Music Hall on 14th July, 1892. As in previous years,
great trouble had been taken with the decorations of the
platform. In the absence of the Chief of the Society — Sir Kenneth
S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart. — the Rev. Dr Norman Macleod,
one of the Chieftains of the Society, presided. Every part of the
building wras crowded, and the meeting was attended with an
amount of success never perhaps equalled at these gatherings.
Dr Macleod was accompanied to the platform by Emeritus Professor
Blackie ; Mr Gilbert Beith, M.P. for the Inverness Burghs ; Sir
Henry C. Macandrew ; Provost Ross ; Mr William Mackay,
solicitor, hon. secretary to the Society ; ex-Bailie Mackenzie ; Mr
Alex. Mackenzie, Ballifeary ; Mr Godfrey Mackinnon, Dunain
Park ; Mr Fraser of Millburn ; Dr F. M. Mackenzie ; Mr James
Fraser, C.E. ; Mr William Gunn ; Mr H. V. Maccallum, Queens-
gate ; Mr Macpherson, banker, Kingussie ; Rev. Mr Macdonald,
Killearnan ; Rev. Mr Sinton, Dores ; Rev. Mr Bentinck, Kirkhill ;
Rev. Mr Archibald Macdonald, Kiltarlily ; Mr A. F. Steele, banker ;
Mr D. H. Chisholm ; Mr Duncan Mackintosh, secretary to the
Society, and others.
256 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The Secretary intimated apologies for absence from the fol-
lowing members of the Society : — The Mackintosh of Mackintosh,
Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart. ; Duncan Forbes of
Culloden ; James E. B. Baillie of Dochfour ; Ian M. Grant of
Glenmoriston • Fitzroy C. Fletcher of Letham Grange ; W. D.
Mackenzie of Farr ; Lachlan Macdonald of Skaebost ; Rev. Alex.
Stewart, D.D., Nether-Lochaber ; Major Jackson of Swordale ;
C. Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P. ; Charles limes, solicitor ; P. Burgess,
Glen-Urquhart ; Captain Chisholm of Glassburn ; and Colonel
Murray, Inverness.
The Chairman, who was received with applause, said — I esteem
it a privilege to occupy the chair on this occasion. For the first
time in my life I find myself a " Chieftain," and gladly do I avail
myself of the opportunity of thanking those whose kindness has
placed me in a position as novel u* it is honourable. I am
very sensible that my personal claims to be heard on such
subjects as those affecting the literature, traditions, and history of
the Highlands are extremely slender, and yet I fain hope that my
sympathy with the aims of your Society, with the additional
qualifications of a Highland name not unforgotten or unknown in
this connection ; of a Highland tongue and a Highland heart,
may be deemed some sort of fitness for the office which,
through your kindness, I now hold. First of all, let me
congratulate you on the good work accomplished by the Gaelic
Society of Inverness during the twenty years of its existence. The
Transactions published annually are in the highest degree credit-
able to the intelligence and research of the members, and have in
numerous instances thrown an interesting light on the manners
and customs as well as on the literature of a time long past.
THE CONDITION OF THE HIGHLANDS.
One object of the Society is the perfecting of the members in
the use of the Gaelic language, but other objects have certainly
been attended with a gratifying measure of success, while
"burning questions," which might have "set the heather on
fire," have, as a rule, been wisely avoided. I do not intend
by this last observation to suggest for a moment that such
a point as, for examplje, the social state of the Highlands in the
past or the present, is unworthy of the consideration of a
Society like this. On the contrary, I believe that a historical
investigation of that subject, fairly and honestly conducted, might
contribute in many ways to the calm, earnest, and reasonable
discussion of present-day problems which is so much to bo
Annual Assembly. 257
desired. I deplore, from the bottom of my heart, the
depopulation of the Highlands, though I regret the direction
which the recent agitation has sometimes taken, and feel bound
to condemn much that has been said and done. I would yield to
no man in the strength of my desire to see existing evils removed
by every legitimate method, I know well that there have
been hardship and suffering, for which the poor people them-
selves are in no sense responsible. They have been driven, in too
many instances, into a corner, where subsistence was barely
possible. It may be true that there are no "waste" in
the Highlands in the technical meaning of that word, but
" waste" lands, so far as human habitation is concerned, undoubt-
edly there are, and I for one would rejoice to see these
lauds, wherever possible, repeopled by a happy and contented
peasantry. It is hard, no doubt, to fight against economic
laws, but I do trust that measures may yet be devised by
which the population may be more equitably distributed and
more comfortably settled in their own country. We, of this
Society, will ever watch efforts with the warmest interest
and, so far as lies in our power, I am certain that our best
endeavours will be used at all times to advance the comfort,
happiness, and material prosperity of those who are bone of
our bone, and flesh of our flesh. If the race degenerate,
as I trust and hope it never will; if it lose its patriotism,
its martial spirit, its reverence for law and order, its virtue,
and its piety, let it perish ; but if it is still made of the
same good fibre as of old, I say preserve it by all manner of
means for its own sake and for the country's sake. Do not
suppose, therefore, that when I express my satisfaction that
burning questions have been avoided, as they ought to be, it was
because I am indifferent either to the acknowledged wrongs or
just aspirations of the Highland people. It was only because I
feel, oh, so thankful, that the Gaelic Society has no politics.
HIGHLANDERS AND COUNTRY.
Thank heaven that this evening, at all events, we can shut our
ears to the din of controversy which is heard outside these walls,
and soothe our minds, whether they are flushed by victory
or cast down by defeat, with the dear, old Gaelic airs to
which we are to listen by-and-by. Allow me to particularly
emphasise one good end effected by the Society. I shall call it
cultivation of Highland brotherhood. It is often said that we
Highlanders are clannish. Well, 1 accept it as a compliment.
17
258 Gaelic Society of Inverness
We can see our own faults and acknowledge them, but let the out-
sider, be he " Gaul" or " Sassenach," dare to suggest or insinuate
a fault, and he is pretty sure to awaken resentment that sometimes
expresses itself in very forcible terms. A friend of mine was once
travelling in a railway carriage with a Highland drover. My friend
— an enthusiastic Highlander himself — was bold enough, for his
own aniuseEient, to make some depreciatory remarks with regard to
Highlanders and their ways. The worthy drover stood it patiently
for some time, but at last could stand it no longer, and, turning
sternly to his companion, he addressed him in a manner at once
cautious and decisive — " Sir," he said, " I won't say what I think,
but if I said what I thought, I would be tempted to say that you
are a most impudent fellow, and a liar to the bargain." His clannish-
ness, as it is called, may show itself in ridiculous forms, but,
at bottom, it is a noble trait of character. It is easy to call it
" sentiment." But sentiment, ladies and gentlemen, is one of the
most powerful factors in our lives. Destitute of it, we become dull,
~rosaic, and unimaginative beings, who are of the earth earthy.
1 has often been remarked, and that truly, that the love of
country never glows with a brighter. flame than among those who
are inhabitants of mountainous regions like our own. There is
that assuri^y in the beautiful or sublime in nature, which
appeals to what is deepest and truest in our hearts with a
power which nothing in this world can surpass. " Two mighty
voices there are," says Wordsworth, " the mountains and the sea."
These two mighty voices once heard can never be silenced or
forgotten. To the dweller among the hills every grey ben and
storm-beaten sgaur is instinct with life, and has an individuality
all its own. The love of country is a " passion " among
Highlanders. To the ends of the earth they may be expatri-
ated, but no change of circumstances or lot can eradicate
those feelings of affection, with which they cling to the land which
is their fatherland, the land where are the sepulchres of their
fathers, where they were born, and where, if it were God's will,
they would like to die and be buried.
" From the dim shieling of the misty island,
Mountains divide them and a waste of seas,
But still their hearts are true, their hearts are Highland,
They, in their dreams, behold the Hebrides."
To such a sentiment as this, ladies and gentlemen, I see not
why we should not open our hearts freely and generously
We are the inheritors of a common language and a common
Annual Assembly. 259
fhistory, such as the lonely hills and misty moors alone could
mould. Ours is a land of wondrous beauty and romance, and
though there is much in the present condition of its people which
we cannot but deplore, there is also much that justifies the con-
tinued existence of that feeling of Highland brotherhood, which it
is the aim of this and kindred societies to foster and increase.
IS GAELIC DYING?
(" No," and applause). That is a question often asked. I suppose
it is, though languages die hard, and it will take many a long
day before Gaelic ceases to be a spoken language in the High-
lands. With that, however, we need not concern ourselves
meanwhile. There can be no doubt, at all events, that it is a
spoken language at this moment in some districts almost to
as great an extent as it was a hundred years ago. And
that being so, it is surely right and fair that this fact should
be recognised in connection with the educational and religious
work of the country. It is not a question about keeping a
language alive by what are called artificial methods. The
language is the vernacular of tens of thousands of the people, and
I see not that we are entitled to deal with them educationally
or religiously just as if it had no existence. There is the
matter of education. I would be the last to suggest that the
teaching of Gaelic should • be substituted for English. That, of
course, would be mischievous and absurd, but why not use it
as an instrument of education in the proper sense of that word,
and as an aid to the intelligent acquisition of English 1 It
seems reasonable that in Highland districts, which are Gaelic-
speaking, the teacher should be bi-lingual, and thus able to make
English intelligible to 'the scholars, instead of being, as it often is,
a sort of parrot language, which is little understood and soon
forgotten. Nor is Gaelic less required in connection with the
ministrations of religion. There is too great a tendency in some
quarters to discontinue Gaelic services, or to thrust them
into a corner. Whatever may be thought of Gaelic for other
literary purposes, it js a magnificent language for devotion
and for preaching. With marvellous flexibility it adapts itself
to the varying emotions of the human heart, and it is a
splendid vehicle for the communication of divine truth to the
mind of man. I greatly fear that its use in these respects
is too frequently hindered by • the inability of ministers to speak
with the ancient power and purity. The man who can preach
now-a-days with a pure Gaelic idiom and with good taste, a*
260 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
well as fluency, is, I am afraid, quite exceptional. I ant
almost inclined to think that old stones one has often heard about
ridiculous mistakes in Gaelic idiom or pronunciation might be
paralleled by modern examples. One such story comes to my
recollection, which perhaps the Gaelic speaking portion of my
audience will appreciate. Towards the close of last century a
minister from Ireland was settled in the parish of Jura. On his
arrival, he was sent to sleep in a shepherd's hut. He was
separated from the apartment occupied by the shepherd and
his wife by a wicker partition. In the course of the night
he overheard the wife say to her husband, " Eirich marbh
an t-eirionnach" (Rise, husband, and kill the goat buck — Eirionnach
being the Gaelic word for a goat buck). The minister thought it
was Eireannach, an Irishman. " Dean moille," said the shepherd,.
" cha do choidil esan fhathast." (Wait a bit, he has not slept yet.
The minister, unable to notice the emphasis on the "esan,"
which a good Gaelic speaker would have understood, became
greatly alarmed. After an interval of silence, he again heard the
wife addressing the shepherd in what seemed still more threaten-
ing language. " Chaidil e nis" (he sleeps now), she exclaimed, as
she peered through the wicker partition with the lighted candle in
her hand. "Eirich, agus marbh a' bheist." Whereupon the
shepherd began to sharpen his knife on the grindstone, while
the minister, thinking it was time to make his escape, rushed
from the house, with the shepherd after him with the knife still
in his hand, and, no doubt, imagining that the presentee had
been seized with some terrible form of nightmare. I think it was
the same man who wished to convey the information that he
had hurt his heel, and the way he expressed it was this —
" Ghoirtich mi mo chas dheiridh" (I have hurt my hind foot).
These are mistakes which might conceivably happen still.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, I must not stand any longer between
you and the feast of music and song which has been provided for
our entertainment. I wish once more to thank you for the honour
of presiding at this annual festival, and to express my hearty
interest in the prosperity of the Gaelic Society, and all that con-
cerns the welfare of " Tir nam beann nan gleann 's nan gaisgeach>
THE PROFESSOR'S SPEECH.
Professor Blackie said he would make two remarks upon the
spur of the moment, and the first was, cultivate their native song.
Let them beware of London, for healthy growth can only be
made in one spot, the native spot. London made a great noise
Annual Assembly. 261
in the world, but it could not produce birch trees, pine trees, nor
our mountains, our songs, our Highland music. He had been called
a learned man. That was perfectly right. He was the most learned
man in Scotland — it was easy to say that, for Scotland was not a
learned country ; but if they wanted a learned country they must
go to Germany. There were few ministers in Scotland who read
correctly their own Bibles. With regard to languages, he knew
Hebrew, and eight or nine other languages. What did they
think of that 1 But he did not care a straw for that, and
that was the reason he mentioned it. He would squash all the
languages he knew, and every book about them— all he would
retain was the Bible and the Scotch songs. He would even burn
his Greek books. The best thing was song — it embodied the
whole manhood of the people ; and the best man the nation
ever had was Robbie Burns, who wrote songs that the world
admired. As a man who spent the greater part of his life,
he proceeded, in the work of education, I say that the most
important part of education is our native song. I don't care what
Romans or Greeks call the sun. I care for my heart, my
voice, and my soul. Why should I be more stupid than
the mavis or the blackbird 1 They have the sense to sing ;
then, I say, sing, sing, sing, sing yo,ur native songs. Don't
be deceived by London fashions and learned pedantries. Know-
ledge sounds very well, but what is the good of knowledge if you
don't use it ? What use is it at all 1 f he devil is a very knowing
fellow, I presume. You must have inspiration from the heart.
" The heart's aye the part aye, that mak's us right or wrong."
It is your own fault (to the Chairman), don't call me up again ;
I generally speak for an hour and a half. Because out of the
fullness of the heart the mouth speaketh wisdom. " I love
Highlanders," the Professor went on, " but they have one strong
objection. They make a kind of divorce between religion and
happiness. They think people should not sing on Sunday,
and they have a monstous objection to organs in churches. But
you must make your piety shake hands with your gaiety. Make
your religion full of singing and dancing too. Oh, read the 150th
Psalm. I know the Psalm as well as you do, and a good deal better
perhaps. You find it says praise the Lord with organs and
timbrels and harps, and praise the Lord with dances. Do not
make your religion sour. That is the only thing I don't like
about Highlanders. The ' Book' and the song should go hand in
hand. Religion without gaiety is disagreeable, and gaiety without
.religion is shallow, and does not reach the heart." When the
262 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Professor had resumed his seat, there were loud cries for " a song,""
but he declined, remarking that " The man that cannot say ' no ''
is a coward."
THE GAELIC ORATION.
Rev. Archibald Macdonald, Kiltarlity, was then called upon to
deliver the Gaelic oration, which he did as follows : — Fhir na
(•athrach 's a luchd-duthcha, — Tha mor t h oil inn t inn agam a nochd
aim a bhi rithist am measg comunn mo ruin — Comunn Gaidhealach
Inbhirnis. Bha mi gu trie a' faotainn tuairisgeil mu 'r deighhm
aims an leabhar bhliadhnail a bha an run-chleireach cur thugam
aims am bheil iomadh oraid fhoghluimte agus thlaehdmhor air a
cumail air chuimhne, mu bheil aithris mu eachdraidh agus mn
bhardachd nan Gaidhcal. Bho 'n chunnaic mise an comunn mu
dheireadh tha aiteachan falamh 'n 'ur measg. Tha am bard a bha
agaibh an uair sin, Mairi Nic Ealair, a slieinn cho ceolmhor binii
air iomadh pong, an deigh a chlarsach fhonumhor a leigeil as.
Cha chluinn sinn a guth an so gu brath — Ach ged tha na filidheaii
fein basmhor cha chaochail spiorad na bardachd am feasd. Tha
falluinnean nam bard a tuiteam air feadhain eile. Cha 'n 'eil agus
tha mi 'n dochas nach bi an comunn gun bhard, a^us an diugh tha
ar cruit-chiuil air a gleusadh le h-aon do 'n aithne pongana milis a
thoirt aisde, fear a dh' innseas duibh aim am briathraibh a ruigeas
eridhe gach Gaidheil mu 'n ghleann 's an robh e og. B'fhearr
learn fhein 'uuair a dh' iarr an run-chleireach orm oraid a thoirt
dhuibh gu 'n robh e 'n deigh ceann teagaisg a thoirt dhomh. Tha
fhios agam 'n a leithid so de chruinneachadh gu bheil feadhain de
gach ghne beachd, agus mar sin 'nan tugainnse mo bharail mu na
ceisdeari a tha lionadh inntiniiean dhaoine araon amis an Eaglais
agus aims an Staid, tha eagal orm gu 'n saltairinn air ordagan
euid, gu'n toirinn fuil air ceann carrach, agus sgal air craos cam.
Agus mar sin feumaidh mi mo chursa stiuireadh gu seolta air
eagal gu 'n tig mi tuaitheal air cuid de m' chairdean ionuihuinn.
Air an laimh eile ma chuireas mi seachad an nine a moladh a'
Chomuinn Ghaidhealaich agus an oibre tha eagal orm. gu 'n can
sibh nach 'eil annam ach piobaire 'n aon phuirt. Cha chreid mi
nach faodar so a radh mu Chomunn Gaidhealach Inbhirnis gu
bheil e dol air aghaidh mar bu dual agus mar bu nos, cha 'n ann
le piseach a' mhinnein ghaibhre am modhad 's an grainndead, ach a'
cinntinn ann am maise agus am neart, mar a tha e fas ann am
bliadhnaichean agus ann an aireamh. Tha e iomchuidh gu'm
biodh a leithid so de chomunn aim gu bhi cumail 'nar cuimhne
gur Gaidheil sinn. Tha iiaill oirnn gun teagamh gu 'm buin sinn.
Annual Assembly. 263
do'n aon righeachd' gu bheil sinn fo riaghladh na h-aon Bhanrigh,
agus na h-aon Pharlamaid. Gidheadh cha toil leinn gu'm biodh
daoiue feuchainn ri Goill 110 Sasunnaich a dheanamh dhinn. 'S
fada bho 'n thoisich an obair sin, Thug Parlamaid Bhreatuinn
ionnsuidh air, an deigh cogadh Phrionnsa Tearlach 'nuair a bha
achd Righ agus Parlamaid air a toirt a mach a dh' orduich nach
faodadh na Gaidheil am feileadh a chaitheamh. Ghabh iad a
leithid a dh' oillt roimh'n tartan agus cha bu nar doibh. Ach bha
an lagh ud air a mheas na chruadal. Cha do ghabh iad idir gu
toileach ris an triubhas. 'S ann a rinn iad iomadh aoir agus oran
fanoid d' i, a bha aig a' cheart am a cur an ceill cliu na deise
Gaidhealaich —
" 'S coma learn a bhriogais lachdunn,
B' annsa 'n fheileadh bheag 's am breachdann,
'S beag a bh' agam riamh a thlachd,
De 'n fhasan a bh' aig claim nan Gall."
Tha mi tighinn thairis air so gu bhi leigeil fhaicinn cho mi"
reusonta 's a tha e, agus cho fada 'n aghaidh naduir a bhi feuclr
ainn ri Ghaidheil a dheanamh nan Goill. Far a' bheil nor
Ghaidheal cha 'n e idir eun is isle tha 's an ealtuinn, cha 'n e
meanglan is mi-thorraiche tha 's a gheig. Ach far a bheil Gaidheal
a tha ceilteinn a dhaimh 's a tha feuchainn a thoirt a chreidsinn
air daoiue gu bheil e gle ghallda, cha 'n 'eil ann ach creutair bochd
a' salach' a nid 's an deachaidh arach, agus a di-moladh na carraig
as an deachaidh a shnaidheadh. Chuala mi cuid de 'n t-seorsa ud
a£ radh : — " Ciod e feum a bhi cumail suas na Gaidhlig — tha i dol
bas co-dhiubh — agus ged a bhiodh i beo re tamuill, ciod e feum a
tha innte gu faighinn air aghaidh 's an t-saoghal ?" Faodaidh e
bhi gu bheil a' Ghaidhlig a basach ach ma tha, tha i gabhail a
h-uine. Thoisich i ris an deo a thilgeil ann an Albainn aim an
laithean Chaluim a' Chinn-mhoir — agus cha b' e sin an de —
gidheadh tha i beo fathast. Faodaidh e bhi gu bheil canaineaii
eile ami is fearr a phaidheas, leis a mo 'n dean daoine dh' airgiod.
Ach an e airgiod crioch araid an duine 1 Na nithean is maisiche
tha ann cha ghabh iad reic no ceannach, tha iad tbar luach, solus
na greine, ditheana na macharach, failidhean cubhraidh an
t-samhraidh, torman nan allt, am bheil na nithean ud 'nan neoni
a chionn nach urrainn duinn a bhi 'g an reic 's 'g an ceannach,
mar gu 'n ceannaieheadh tu each, no damh, no poca cloimhe ? Tha
na nithean tid mar ola chubhraidh air a dortadh a mach, cha ghabh
a luach a bhi air a thomhas aim am puinnd Shasunnach ; agus air
a' cheart doigh tha luach agus mais agus brigh ann ar canain
264 Gaelic. Society of Inverness.
mhathaireal — 'na litreachas, 'na beul aithris, 'na scan-fhocail, 'na
h-eachdraidh, 'na ceol a tha eadar-dhealaichte bho shalachar an
t-saoghail so --agus cha dubhairt mi nach 'eil luach saoghalta ami
an eolas air a' Ghaidhlig cuideachd. Cha chreid mi nach biodh e
na bhuannachd do iomadh aon aig a bheil an comhnuidh an an tir
nam beann — ministearan, doctaircan, luchd-lagha, maighistearan-
s^-oile — 'nam biodh comas labhairt aca gu h-ealanta, agus gu
gleusda amis a' chainnt a ruigeas cridhe gach Gaidheil air thoiseach
air gach cainnt eile. Ach cha 'n e mhain gu bheil an comunn so a'
cumail suas canain nan Gaidheal, agus gach ni a ta air a chur an
ceill innte, ach tha, mar an ceudna, co-fhaireachadh aca ri 'n
luchd-duthcha amis a h-uile ni a bhuineas do 'n cor saoghalta.
Ciod air bhi eadar dhealachadh bharail a dh' fhaodas a bhi am
measg buill a' chomuinn, a thaobh na rneadhonan leis am bi
suidheachadh ar co-bhraithrean air a dh^iiiamh ni 's fearr, tha sinn
a dh' aoin inntinn anns an durachd gu soirbhich leo. Agus tha
fios againn aims an linn so gu 'm b; i an cuis air a tagairt, agus
nach b' i an coraichean air an di-chuimhneachadh. Roimhe so
bha luchd-aiteachaidh na Gaidhealtachd mar luchd-turuis sgith
gun chala sabhailt gu ruithe 'g a ionnsuidh aim an am am feum.
A nis, tha iad cosmhuil ris an fhtar a bha 's an sgeulachd.
Chunuaic iad solas fada uatha, 's 'g e b' fhada uat.ha, cha b' fhada
'g a ruighinn. Bhuail iad bas ri crann dorus mor na Parlamaid,
agus bha iad air an gabhail a steach gu aoidheachd. Chuireadh
uisge bog air an lamhan, agus uisge bog air an casan, agus plaid-
eachan mine caola geala gu cadal annta. Cha 'n e mhain gu bheil
a mal air isleachadh, ach tha bata na smuide a' taghal aig gach
port — tha sitrich an eich-iarruinn a' dusgadh Mac Talla an iomadh
gleann agus srath, far nach cluinneadh tu roimhe ach langaiiaich
an fheidh no ceileireadh nan eun, agus faodaidh tu fios-dealain a
chur gu d' charaid, agus gu d' namhaid cuideachd, na ceudan mile
air asdar cha mhor ami am prioba nan sul. Agus tha cinnt againn
nach 'eil na nithean a rinneadh mar tha, ach nan earlas air na
nithean a bhios fhathast air an deanamh air son luchd-aiteachaidh
na Gaidhealtachd. Ma tha cunnart idir ann 's e gu'm bi tuilleadh
's a choir air a dheananih air ar son. 'S e so an cunnart anns am
bhei] araon Goill is Gaidheil air an latha 'n diugh. Tha Pharla-
maid 'g an altrum, 'g an arach, agus a' gabhail a leithid de churam
dhiubh. Tha i cur an cloinne do 'n sgoil — a' paigheadh air son an
teagaisg agus a' deanamh iomadh ni eile air an son a b'abhaist
doibh a dheanamh air an son fhein. A theagamh gu'm bu choir
feadhainn bhi ann a chum daoine dhion bho 'n aimideachd fein.
Ach bu choir dhuinn fhaighneachd, Ciod e dh' fhag luchd-aiteach-
Annual Assembly. 265
aidh nan eileinean so iomraiteach mar dhaoine gaisgeil treun os
cionn gach cinnich eile ? Tlia da aobhar air a shon. Anns a'
cheud aite tha spiorad anns an t-sluagh fein a bhuannaich coir
dhoibh a chum 's gu bheil urram air a thoirt do bhrataich agus
suaicheantas Bhreatuinn anns gach cearn de 'n t-saoghal mhor.
'S ann air an aobhar so a tha Bhan-righ a riaghladh thairis air
righeachd air nach 'eil feasgar a' ciaradh no grian a' dol fodha.
Ach tha aobhar eile mar an ceudna air son cruadal agus treubh-
antas muinntir na righeachd so, agus gu h-araidh luchd-aiteachaidh
na h-Albain, agus 's e sin gu 'n robh aca ri bhatal a chur, nach robh
a h-uile ni air a dheanamh soirbh dhoibh. Ann an righeachdaii
eile mar tha an Spainn agus an Eadailt tha na speuran ni 's
soilleire, agus na siantan ni 's caoimhueile, agus an talamh ni 's
sultmhoire, agus tha h-uile ni cho reidh ;s gu bheil daoine ullamh air
fas somalt' agus leasg. Ann am Breatunn agus gu h-araidh an L^
Albainn bha daoine bho chionn fada stnth an aghaidh stoirm agus
uisge, siantan caochlaideach, agus fonn neo-thorrach. Agus bha an
cruadal roimh 'n deach' iad a' t arming a mach an duinealachd,
agus an treubhantas a bha annta. Cha 'n iad na luibhean a dh'
fhasas fo ghloine far nach ruig oiteag de 'n ghaoith no pleoiteag
de 'n t-sneachd iad is mo thig gu ire agus neart, agus is treise u
ghlacas greim le 'n friamhaichean air an fhonn, ach an fheadhain
a dh' fhasas am measg reothaidh agus sneachd. Agus b' e so
reuson cudthromach gu 'n d' thainig ar luchd-duthcha — iomadh
aon duibh gu ire agus gu neart, gu 'm b' eiginn doibh a h-uile ni
a thoirt a mach le an luath's, agus an cruas agus an laidireachd
fein. Agus air an laimh eile tha cunnart ma bhith's nithean air
an deanamh tuilleadh a's soirbh, ma bhios a h-uile slighe air a
deanamh direach, 's .a h-uile sliabh ard air isleachadh, 's a h-uile
garbhlach air a dheauamh reidh, gu'n caill sliochd nan sonn tomhas
de 'n ghaisgealachd bu dual doibh. Agus feadh 's a tha dochas
againn gu faigh ar luchd-duthcha ceartas agus lan-ceartas, cha bu
mhaith leinn gu faigheadh iad oirleach a bharrachd, cha bu mhaith
leinn gu 'm biodh iad ann an seadh 'sam bith air an deanamh 'nan
dilleachda-deirce. Ciod air bith a thachras tha mi 'n dochas nach
fas an Gaidheal meata no lapach, agus nach fannaich e anns an
reis. Tha ainm sgriobhta le urram ann an eachdraidh na righ-
eachd mar neach a sheas ann an uchd an teine gu bhi dion
coraichean agus dachaighean duthaich a bhreith. Cha 'n 'eil fhios
agam am bi an ginealach a tha beo an diugh air an gairm gu
leithid so de strith. Ach tha iad air an gairm gu iad fein a
dhearbhadh ann am hatal na beatha so — am batal is coir do gach
neach, a bhi cur ann an aghaidh gach gne uilc agus mi — run, agus
266 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
's e mo dochas agus mo mhianu, gu'n teid iad air aghaidh anns an
strith so leis a' mhisneachd, agus leis a' chruadal a bhuinneadh do 'n
ghineal bho 'n d' thaiuig iad. Bviaidh 'us piseach le Comunn
Gailig Inbhirnis, a h-uile latha chi 's nach fhaic.
A long and interesting programme, comprising Gaelic and
English songs, pipe music, and Highland dances, was gone
through. The musical programme, taken altogether, was pro-
bably the best that has been submitted at this annual event. The
pianoforte accompaniments were played with much taste by Mis&
G. Fraser, Church Street. Dr Macleod proposed a hearty vote of
thanks to the speakers, and to the ladies and gentlemen that
entertained them that evening. A vote of thanks to the Chairman,
on the motion of Provost Ross, brought a very successful meeting
to a close.
The following anniversary poem, doniposcd by the Bard of the
Society, Mr Neil Macleod, Edinburgh, was read at the meeting : —
AIG BLIADHX' AR FHICHEAI) A DH; AOIS.
T ha bliadhn' ar fhichead uaiuu air triall
Bho 'n chaith an Comuim so air rian,
Le aireamh bheag de chloinn mo ghaoil,
Aig an robh meas air tir an fhraoich ;
'S bhoidich iad gu duineil dileas,
A bhi seasmhach mar an sinnsir ;
'S a bhi 'g altruin suas na Gailig,
Oauain aosda tir nan ardbheann.
Dh' fhas an comunn beag so laidir,
Ann an saibhreas 's aim an aireamh,
Mar chraoibh a sgaoil a mach a blath,
Gu do rach ur fo dhriuchd nan ard ;
Mar fhuaran cuisleach, blasda, beo,
Ag uisgeachadh nam meangan og ;
Tha 'n comunn so le tuigs' is ciall,
Mar thobar eolais, fallain, fiall.
A' dusgadh suas le dealas dian,
Na duain a bha 'n an suain bho chian,
'S a' neartachadh le misneach ur,
Eachdraidh nan sar 'tha cnamh 's an uir.
Na laoich a dhearbh an lamh 's an t-strith,
'S le 'n gaisgeadh threun a dhion ar tir ;
Cha leig gach al a thig 'n an deidh,
Gu brath air dearmad gloir an euchd.
Annual Assembly. 267;
Gach buaidh is piseach air na seoid,
'Tha duineil dion air taobh na coir,
'S le spiorad rioghail mar bu dual,
A' cuinail cainnt air siunsir suas ;
Gu 'n robh bhur soirbheachadh 's bhur fas,
A' cinneachadh as ur fo bhlath,
JN 'ur comunn fiughail aig gach am,
'S a' cosnadh cliu do thir nam beann.
0 ! 'thir nam beann, a thir mo ghraidh,
Ge corrach, gruamach, d' fhireach ard,
Is fuaim nan sruth, is gair nan tonn,
A' barcadh mu do chreagan lorn,
Gur binn leam ceo] do chaochain bras,
A' taoma^h bho na h-aonaich chas —
Biodh cainnt do shliochd, is cliu do shuinn,
Gun mheirg gun smal bho linn gu linn.
21st DECEMBER, 1892.
Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., Rector, Training's School, read a
paper on "Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland" at this meeting.
Mr Macbain's paper was as follows : —
PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY OF SCOTLAND.
Ptolemy, the famous Alexandrian geographer, flourished in the
second quarter of the second century. Nothing much is known
of his personal history, but his works on astronomy and geography
dominated the world of learning and research for a dozen subse-
quent centuries. Ptolemy systematised the results of ancient
research in these two subjects, adding some clarifying theories and
facts of his own. That the earth was a sphere was a fact accepted
by the ancient world of science ever since the time of Aristotle,
but Ptolemy was the first to produce a rational plan for projecting
the sphere, either in whole or in part, upon a plane surface. He
is in fact our first real scientific map maker.
Ptolemy's work on Geography is very properly entitled
" Instruction in Map-drawing ;" for, of its eight books, the second
to the seventh merely contain tables of names of places, with
longitude and latitude attached, so as to be transferred to the
map. The first book gives instructions how to make the map,
268 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
with the proper projection. Ptolemy also drew 27 maps himself,
and maps that purport to be their descendants are still found in
the Ptolemy MSS. It is easy, however, to see that the real value
of the work lies in the tables and not in the maps, whose accuracy,
unchecked by the tables, could never, after so many centuries of
copying, be depended on.
Ptolemy's degrees of longitude start from the then known
westernmost point of the world — the Canary Islands ; his latitude,
of course, begins from the Equator. His degree of latitude was
estimated at 500 stadia, which is one-sixth too small ; his longi-
tude degrees properly enough converge as he moves northward.
His northernmost point of all is Thule, which he places in latitude
63 degrees. In regard to Britain his latitude on the south coast
of England is 2 degrees too high, and by the time Scotland is
reached this error is doubled ; the SMway Firth is put down as
58 degrees 45 minutes, whereas it is 4 degrees less than this
really.
While Ptolemy's outlines of England and Ireland are in a
general way fairly accurate, the fact that he places Scotland at
right angles to England gives his map of the British Isles a
grotesquely inaccurate appearance. On closer inspection, how-
ever, it will be found, when once this initial error is allowed for,
that his outline of Scotland is as good as those for the two sister
countries. Up to the Tyne and Solway, Ptolemy's map is as
accurate as could be expected from his general work ; but, here,
instead of continuing Scotland straight to the North, he turns it
eastward, exactly 90 degrees wrong. Many explanations have
been suggested for this error ; the most satisfactory is that of Mr
Bradley, who thinks that Ptolemy or a predecessor had England,
Scotland, and Ireland first on three separate maps, and, in fitting
them together, he had placed Ireland too far north, and so, per-
force, was led to place Scotland at right angles to England. In
any case, latitude and longitude have shifted places as far as
Scotland is concerned, and the Mull of Galloway is the furthest
north point of Scotland according to Ptolemy.
Of course the text is often corrupt, different MSS. presenting
different readings. The latest and best edition is that of Miiller
(Paris, 1883) ; he has collated some forty MSS., and he gives in
his notes all the various readings, noting the MSS. in which they
occur. I have followed Muller's text in the translation and
transcription of Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland, which I here
present. The map which accompanies this paper has been kindly
prepared by Mr James Fraser, C.E., Inverness. He has given the
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 269<
latitudes and longitudes of Miiller's text, but on these he has
grafted the more or less rounded contours of the Latin Ptolemy
map of 1478. This preserves the map from the odd look which
such angular reproductions as those in Captain Thomas's maps
always present, while accuracy, it is hoped, is not a whit sacrificed.
After describing the " Britannic Isle of Ivernia," that is,
Ireland, Ptolemy sets about describing the situation of the
Hebrides, which he places to the north of Ireland. Ptolemy's
text runs thus : —
There lie above Ivernia islands which are called ^Ebudas, five
in number, the westernmost of which is called —
Longitude. Latitude.
Degs. Mins. Degs. Mins.
yEbuda 15 62
The next to it towards the east is likewise
^Ebuda 15 40 62
thenRhicina 17 62
thenMalsBus 17 30 62 30
thenEpidium 18 30 62
And towards the east from Ivernia are these islands : —
Monaoeda 17 40 61 30
Mona island 15 57 40
Adru, a desert island 15 59 30
Limnu, a desert island 15 59
GEOGRAPHY OF THE BRITISH ISLAND ALVION.
The description of the north side, above which is the Ocean
called Dvecaledonius : —
Peninsula of the Novantae and
Cape of the same name 21 61 40
Rerigonius Bay 20 30 60 50
VindogaraBay 21 20 60 30
Estuary of Clota 22 15 59 20
Lemamioiiius Gulf 24 60
Cape Epidium 23 60 40
Mouth of the river Longus 2430 60 40
Mouth of the river Itys [Eitis]... 27 60 40
Volas [or Volsas] Bay 29 60 30
Mouth of the river Nabarus 30 60 30
Tarvedum or Orcas Cape 31 20 60 15
The description of the west side, to which are adjacent both
the Ivernic Ocean and the Yergionius Ocean. After the Cape of
the Novantse : —
270 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Mouth of the river Abravannus.. 19 20 61
Estuary of lena 19 60 30
Mouth of the river Deva 18 60
Mouth of the river Novius 18 20 59 30
Estuary of Ituna 18 30 58 45
The description of the next sides looking south-east, to which
is adjacent the Germanic Ocean. After Cape Tarvedum or
Orcas, which has been mentioned : —
Cape Virvedrum 31 60
Cape Verubium 30 30 59 40
Mouth of the river Ila 30 59 40
High Bank 29 59 40
Estuary of Varar 27 59 40
Mouth of the river Loxa 27 30 59 40
Estuary of T vesis * 27 59
Mouth of the river Cselis 27 58 45
Cape of the Teezali [Ttcxali] 27 30 58 30
Mouth of the river Deva 26 58 30
Estuary of Tava 25 58 50
Mouth of the river Tina 24 58 30
Estuary of Boderia 22 30 59
Mouth of the river Alaunus 21 20 58 30
Mouth of the river Vedra 20 10 58 30
The Novantse dwell along the north side below the Peninsula
of like name, among whom are these towns : —
Lucopibia 19 60 20
Rerigonium 20 10 60 40
Below them are the Selgovse, among whom are these towns :-^-
Carbantorigum 19 59 30
Uxellum 18 30 59 20
Corda 20 59 40
Trimontium 19 59
From these towards the east, but more northerly, are the
Danmonii, among whom are these towns :—
Colanica 20 45 59 10
Vandogara 2. 20 60
Coria 21 30 59 20
Alauna 22 45 59 50
Lindum 23 59 30
Victoria.. :<3 30 59
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 271
More southerly are the Otalini [better Otadini], among whom
;are these towns : —
Coria 20 10 59
Alauna 23 58 40
Bremenium ?1 58 45
After the Damnonii towards the east, but more northerly, from
Cape Epidium about eastwards are the Epidii, after whom (the
Cerones, then more easterly) the Creones, then the Carnonacao,
then the Csereni, and, most easterly and furthest, the Cornavii.
From the Lemannonius Gulf as far as the Estuary of Varar are the
Caledonii and above them the Caledonian Forest ; from them more
easterly are the Decantse, touching whom are the Lugi,and above
the Lfigi are the Smertae. Below the Caledonii are the Vacomagi,
Among whom are these towns : —
Bannatia 24 59 30
Tamia 25 59 20
Alata Castra (Winged Camp) 27 15 59 20
Tvesis 26 45 29 10
Below these but more westerly are the Veriicones, among
whom is this town : —
Orrea 24 58 45
More easterly are the Taezali [Taexali] and their city : —
Devana 26 59
Islands lie adjacent to the Isle of Alvion at Cape Orcas : —
Scetis Isle 32 40 60 45
Dumnalsle 30 61 20
Above which are the Orcades Isles, about 30 in number,
the middle of which is 30 61 40
And still further up than these is the Isle of Thule, the parts
of which lie —
The westernmost , 29 63
The easternmost 31 40 63
The northernmost 30 20 63 15
The southernmost 30 20 62 40
The middle 30 20 63
I will examine the above names with a double purpose : first,
to see if they, or the places they refer to, can be traced to modern
times ; second, to discover, if possible, what language or languages
the names belonged to. This last point practically means that I
.am to discuss the Pictish question from a linguistic standpoint
272 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Professor Rhys, as is well known, maintains that the Picts were
non-Celtic and non-Aryan, a view which he has lately expounded
afresh in an extraordinary paper in the Proceedings of the Society
of Antiquaries, on the language of the Northern Picts. We shall
see whether Ptolemy's names for the ancient Highlands and Isles
involve necessarily non-Aryan or non-Celtic elements. Of the
above names, fortunately about two-thirds of them belong to the
region of the Northern Picts.
Ptolemy, as we know from Marcian, called the British Isles the
Prettanic Islands, but the MSS. now have the more or less Roman
form of Brettanic. Prettania is the real old Greek name of our
Isles, and it is clear that the Roman Brittania is but a corruption
of it. Professor Rhys and others maintain that the two names
are separate ; he says that Britain got its Roman name from the
South of England tribes, who called themselves Brittones. But
there is no authority for this. I u. fact, the name Prettania or
Pretania has been preserved in its Brittonic form in the Welsh
Prydain for Britain, and in Prydyn, the Welsh for a Pict = Gaelic
Cruithne. Gaelic c answers often to Welsh p, and consequently
Gaelic Cruithne, pre-historic Qrt-an-ic, is the same as the ancient
Pretania ; in short, the Picts gave their name to the British Isles.
Probably they were the only Celtic inhabitants of Great Britain
when the Greek voyager Pytheas (circ. 300 B.C.) visited these
isles. The name is allied to Gaelic crut/i, form, appearance ; they
may have been called the " figured" or " painted" men, as old
writers insist they were so adorned.
Ptolemy's Alvion appears in Pliny and others as Albion ; he
means by it Great Britain ; but the Gaelic population of both
islands have always restricted this name to Scotland — Alba, gen.
Alban. We may compare the Latin Alba to it; the Latin
adjective albus signifies white. The underlying meaning is the
very common and, in this case, appropriate one of " White-land."
Ivernia, " Ireland," is the Latin Hibernia — a piece of folk etymo-
logising, for Hibernia in Latin means "Winter-land" (hibernus,
winter). Another old Greek form of the name is lerne, which is
exceedingly near the modern Gaelic sound. Some think that an
initial p has been lost, and explain the name as Piverion, " Fat or
Rich-soiled Land," Greek Pieiria. It has, however, to be remem-
bered that several rivers (the Scottish Earns, Find-horn, etc.) have
the same exact name ; consequently it is either the name of a
goddess, or a name applicable to both "island" and "river."
(Compare the Teutonic ey, isle, from a root allied to aqua). Not
only docs 'Eire, Ireland, appear in river names, but we have at
4 Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 273
least two other island names applicable to rivers and estuaries —
Ilea or Islay and Ptolemy's Dumna (compare the Irish Inver-
Domnan, etc., from the goddess Dumna). Professor Rhys, of
•course, refers Ivernia incontinently to a non-Celtic source, and we
hear much of the pre-Celtic Ivernians.
If Scotland be shifted back into its proper place, the ^budte
Isles will be to the west of it, and suit, in a general way, the
Western Isles. Ptolemy has 5 ^Ebudse ; Pliny says there are 7
Acmodfe (JEmodse) and 30 Hsebudes ; Mela speaks of 7 Hsemoda}.
The name now appears resuscitated as Hebrides, by the misreading
•of a MS. copyist. Ptolemy has two islands of the same name —
vEbuda or Ebuda ; it is usual, from their position, to equate them
with Islay and Jura ; but probably Capt. Thomas was right in
identifying them with the two Uists, North and South. The
Norse name for Uist is Ivist, and the first syllable is not unlike
the first part of Ebuda.1 Rhicina, Pliny's Ricina, appears in a
few MSS. as Engaricina, and some have consequently been
tempted to refer the name to Egg (Greek Enga may be Egga) ; but
it seems certainly intended for Rathlin isle — Irish Reachrainn.
Malseos is, of course, Mull ; Adamnan calls it Malea. Dr Stokes
equates the root mat with Albanian mal\ height, border ; Lettic,
mala, border. The change of a into u in modern times is caused
by the influence of the e or i sound in the second syllable. The
Norse name was Myl. The isle of Epidium has been equated by
Skene with Lismore, and by Captain Thomas with Islay. As the
name cannot be separated from Cape Epidium (Kintyre), Mr
Bradley thinks that it is a bit of the Mull of Kintyre which was
inserted on the Irish map which Ptolemy worked from — one of
the three which he fitted so ill together. We shall treat of the
name Epidium afterwards. It is generally agreed that Monaceda,
Pliny's Monapia, is the Isle of Man (Welsh Manaw), and that
Mona is Anglesey.
Ptolemy calls the Solway Firth the Estuary of the Ituna ; this
name is identified with that of the Eden river. Going westwards,
or rather, according to him, northwards, we first meet the river
Novios, the Nith ; the word is the Celtic novios, new, Welsh
newydd, Gaelic nuadh, and the word Nith is a Brittonic rendering
of the old name. Next, in its proper order, we have the Deva or
Dee; the name simply means "goddess," and is one testimony,
among many, of the worship of rivers and fountains, which Gildas
(6th century) so bitterly complains of. There are many Deva's
1 Since the above was written, Sir Herbert Maxwell suggests that Bute
is the modern representative of ancient Eboucb.
18
274 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
on Celtic soil both in Britain and Spain. Then comes the lena,,
but, unlike the Nith and Dee, the name is lost, and the guesses-
made vary between the rivers Cree (Skene) and Fleet (Thomas)'
and anyway in Wigtoun Bay (Muller). The Abravannus is
identified with Luce river and bay (Skene and Bradley) and the
Annan (Muller), the latter on account of the similarity of the
names when Aber is removed from Abravannus. It is usual to
etymologise the name into the Welsh Aber-afon, "river's mouth"
= Mouth of Avon ; and this may be correct. Then we reach the
Mull of Galloway, three times its normal distance away from the
head of Solway (Ituna), under the name of the Cape of the
Novantee, the people who are represented as inhabiting the
" chersonese" or peninsula which abuts here. The name has left
no modern traces ; the root seems to be the same as that in
Novios river — " New-comers ?"
Turning northward, or, according to Ptolemy, eastward, we
have the Rerigonius Bay ; this is by general consent set down as
Loch Ryan ; the form suits well enough the modern name. It
might be divided into Re-rig-onios " fore-stretching," the main
root being the common one of reg, stretch, go. The Bay of Ayr is
represented by Vindogara Sinus : there is no modern representa-
tive, but the vindo is the well-known Celtic adjective vindos, white,
a nasalised form of the root vid, see. The -gara may be parallel
to the common river name of Garry — Gaelic Garaidk, being
possibly from the root gar, sound, and meaning " brawling." The
Clota is, of course, the Clyde ; the Gaelic is Cluaidh, old genitive
Cluade, Adamnan's Cloithe, Bede's (Welsh) Cluith ; it is usual to
refer the word to the root klu, fclou, cleanse, the Latin duo,
cleanse, cloaca, sewer.
Next comes the Lemannonius Bay : we may take this form as
the correct one, though many MSS. have Lelaanonius. By
general consent the place meant is recognised as Loch Fyne ;
Muller, Bradley, Thomas, and Stokes all agree on this. And it
suits Ptolemy's position well enough, though Loch Long is
technically more correct, where, indeed, Skene places it. The
name still exists in that of Lennox, the older Levenax or
Levanach, the Middle Gaelic of which is Leamhain. The root is
lem, now leamh, an elm ; and we may compare the Helvetian Lake
Lemannus. Some think that Loch Lomond is meant ; at anyrate,
they think it is its name that we have here got by some confusion
or other. The Gaelic of Loch Lomond is Loch Loimean, but
in old times it was called Loch Leven, a name which in
Ptolemy's times would be Llvona (Lei-vo-na, root lei, smooth,
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 275
flowing, Greek leios1). The difficulty is not altogether with
Lemannonius Bay, but with the Longus river, which Ptolemy
places next after Cape Epidium in a position that might
suit, relatively to the other two places, the western mouth
of the Crinan Canal. Here the river Add discharges itself into
the sea ; the name means the " Long River ;" and hence Skene
concluded that this Long river was Ptolemy's Longus. There are
several objections to this theory. First, it takes for granted that
the Gaels were the inhabitants of the district about the year 100 ;
this mav be true. Second, it is Ptolemy's practice to translate
the native names into his own Greek, as witness High Bank
and Winged Camp, not into Latin, as Longus would imply.
Skene made the error because he used a Latin map and text, and
he has even caused Mr Bradley to stumble after him. The name
is the name of Loch Long, however much displaced ; it means
"Ship" or "Navigable Loch," from Gaelic long, W. Hong., ship.
In faet, the Norsemen called this very firth Skipafjordhr, that is,
Ship Fjord. Dr Stokes thinks that Longus is a Celtic word
cognate with Latin longus ; but the word long or luing is a
common name in the Western Isles, one or two islands going by
more or less oblique forms of the name (Lunga, Luing, and
two Longa's). The identification of Longus River with Loch
Long implies much confusion on the part of Ptolemy or,
rather, of his informants ; but when one looks at the numerous
lochs and firths and headlands of the Clyde Firth and Argyllshire
Coast, one need not wonder that the Roman sailors blundered. It
is right to say that Capt. Thomas identified the Longus river with
Loch Linnhe — An Linne Dubh, or Black Linn. Cape Epidium
(Mull of Kintyre), we shall discuss in the name of the Epidii.
Starting from the Mull of Kintyre and ignoring Longus river,
we next meet with Itis or Eitis river, which fits quite well as to
distance from the Mull with Loch Etive. This identification has
commended itseif to Muller, Bradley, and, doubtfully, to Captain
Thomas. The name suits well ; Etive in Modern Gaelic is 'Eitigh,
in Middle Gaelic Eitchi (Story of Deirdre). The only difficulty is
that, if the t was single between two vowels, we ought now to
have it aspirated. It has, however, to be remembered that Etive
is doubtless a word borrowed into the Gaelic, and in that case the
rule does not always hold (witness the early borrow sagart, from
sacerdos). Stokes gives the root as ei or *', to go, as in Lat. itum,
iter, etc. Some compare the Gaulish Portus Itius, whence Caesar
started for Britain. Skene places Itis at Loch Carron.
1 See further in Rdiquice Celticce, vol. IT,, p. 551.
276 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Accepting Loch Etive as Ptolemy's Itis, we find that his
distance therefrom to the Volsas (Volas) Bay will bring us to the
neighbourhood of Loch Alsh, a name that wonderfully fits with
that given by the old geographer. The root rnay be vel, vol, to
" well," " roll ;" German wolle, & wave. Muller, Skene, and
Thomas place the Volsas Bay at Loch Broom, a view that is
tenable enough if the longitude of the Varar; Loxa, etc., on the
east coast are considered. If Loch Alsh is the Volsas Bay, then
the river Nabarus, which is undoubtedly the Naver, is much too
far south — only one degree away from Loch Alsh. Any way wo
take it, there must be a discrepancy. As can be seen, Ptolemy
ignores Cape Wrath, though many writers think that this is his
Tarvedum Proniontorium, notably Mr Bradley, who thinks that
Ptolemy has misplaced the Naver ; in fact, he thinks that
Tarvedum and Vervedrum should corn^ before the Naver. But
this is very unlikely, as we shall see. In many MSS. Nabarus is
given as Nabseus, but there is no doubt in the mind of any one
that the river is the Naver. The root seems to be nav, swim, etc.,
whence navis, a ship ; in short, the meaning of the word is much
the same as we found in that of Loch Long. The Modern Gaelic
is Nawir, the preservation, such as it is, of the v showing a borrow-
ing from the previous Pictish tongue.
After the Naver comes Cape Tarvedum or Orkas, which
Captain Thomas and Mr Bradley identify with Cape Wrath. Mr
Bradley rests his case on his derivation of Vervedrum, which ho
thinks is the progenitor of Farout in Farout Head — an impossible
derivation. It is altogether a needless dislocation of Ptolemy's
positions ; he means the three or four heads to the north and east
of Caithness — Holburn Head, Dunnet Head, Duncansby Head,
and Noss Head. Tarvedum is given by Marcian as Tarvedunum,
that is, Bull's Dun or Fort ; compare the Tarodunum of Gaul with
like force. The meaning may, however, simply be Bull's Head.
The point meant is either Holburn Head, near Thurso, or Dunnet
Head, also forming an outpost to Thurso Bay. As a proof of our
identification, Thurso itself is the Norse Thj6rsa or Bull's Water !
With it may be compared the Icelandic Thj6rsa or Bull's Water of
modern times. Ptolemy gives the cape a secondary name —
Orkas ; it seems to me that he means the two sentinel capes of
Thurso Bay — Holburn and Dunnet Heads. Duncansby Head is
called Virvedrum Cape ; all writers are agreed upon this, Mr
Bradley excepted. He thinks that Farout Head is meant ; he
analyses Vir-vedrum into the preposition ver, the Gaulish form of
the Gaelic for or far, Lat. s-uper, Greek uper ; it means "upon"
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 277
or " exceeding." The vedrum he equalises with the Pictish fothar,
appearing in Dunottar (Simon of Durham's Dum-foeder). The vir
is doubtless the prep, ver ; but vedrum can hardly be fothar, for
the latter word itself is simply a prefix word — a preposition, seem-
ingly of like meaning with Gaelic for. The Wear river is called
by Ptolemy Vedra ; and Dr Stokes suggests a connection with
0. Slavonic Vedru,1 clear. This would give a meaning in each
case of Cape Clear and Clear River, which are, as to signification,
quite satisfactory. Cape Verubium, or Noss Head, also contains
the prep, ver ; the root ub has been happily referred by Stokes to
the Irish word ubh, sword-point, doubtless allied to the English
weapon (root veb, ub). This would give the meaning of the word
Verubium as " Sword Head."
Turning now southward, or westward according to Ptolemy, we
come to the river Ila. By almost common consent this is regarded
as the Helmsdale River, called in Gaelic Ilidh, Eng. Ulie, Sir Rob.
Gordon's Vlly. The name Ila is common as a river name in Scot-
land (spelt Isla usually), and there is also the Island of Islay so
named. In this we must remember the parallel case of Erinn in
being used both for rivers and for the Island of Ireland. Stokes
suggests a reference to the root in German eilen, to hasten, go.
Skene draws attention to the fact that the syllable il enters
largely into Basque topography. A degree (of longitude) further
south is " High Bank," which Skene identifies with the hills north
of the Dornoch Firth, but which most writers regard as the Ord of
Caithness misplaced. It is likely the Ord of Caithness that i§
meant, and some seek the Ila north of it in the Latheron district,
but without success. Berriedale Water may have also once been
an Isla ; witness the North and South Esks. The Varar Estuary
is undoubtedly the Inverness and Beauly Firth. The name still
exists in the River Farrar, and glen of Strath-farrar. The root is
var, which may mean " winding," " bending ;" compare Lat. varus,
varius. We are now at the innermost corner of the Moray Firth ;
and it may be remarked that Ptolemy has a wonderfully accurate
account of this part, indeed of the whole, of the eastern coast of
Scotland.
The river Loxa is represented as in the same parallel (that is,
longitude) as Varar, but half a degree to the north. That is how
the best MSS. have it ; other MSS. place the Loxa between High
Bank and Varar, equating it with the Cromarty Firth (Captain
Thomas), or the Loth, an insignificant river in Loth Parish
1 Root rid, see, as in Gaelic fionn, white. But ved, wet, suits the phonetics
better.
278 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
( Bradley). The Loxa ought naturally to be the Nairn by position ;
but the name is identified by Skene, Stokes and others with that
uf the Lossie, far away from Ptolemy's place for it on the map.
The phonetic difficulty here is a racial one ; from an early Pictish
3; we should expect a later cA, that is, if the Pictish was a Brittonic
language and treated x as the other Brittonic languages did.
Compare Ochil of the Ochil Hills and the Welsh uchel, high, Gaelic
iiasal, Gaulish uxellos. The form lok-s may be from one or two
roots, and may mean " oblique," " shining," etc. Measuring from
Varar, we should put the Tvesis Estuary about Culleri ; it is
doubtless the mouth of the Spey that is meant. On this all the
authorities are agreed. The names seem also allied ; Spey, Gaelic
Spe, may come from Spesi-s or Speisi-s, a Celtic sqvei, to vomit ;
Gaelic sgeith, Welsh chwyd, vomo ; compare for force the old
Italian river Vomanus. Ptolemy's tv initial is an attempt to
reproduce the initial Pictish sound which has now settled into the
very non-Gaelic form of sp in Spey. Half-way between Spey and
Kinnaird Head is the Caelis (Greek kailis) River, or Celnius,
which suits the position of the important river Doveran or Deveron,
but which in name fits Cullen and Cull en Water (Welsh makes
original ai into u ; hence Kailnios, which two MSS. give, repre-
sents admirably a latter Cullen). Doveran is a Gaelic name and
a late one ; as the earlier form Duffhern shows, it means the
Black Earn opposed to the Findhorn or White Earn. The root
kail is in modern Gaelic caol, narrow. Kinnaird's Head is called
the Cape of the Tsezali or Tsexali (Taixali), a name that should
produce in later times a Pictish (British) Tuch-al or a Gaelic
Taosal ; the parish of Tough in mid Aberdeenshire ideally repre-
sents the British form of the root.
Turning southward, we come to the River Deva, now the Dee.
Skene accepts the bad reading of one MS., which gives Liva or
Leva, and identifies it with the North Esk. Next comes the
Estuary of the Tava, the Tavaus of Tacitus, which in position
suits the Esk, but in name and in reality means the Tay. The
name Tava appears on Brittonic ground in the Devon Tavy and
the Welsh Tawe, and there is a Welsh adjective taw, signifying
" quiet," " gentle," to which Gluck equates the Gaulish Tavia,
Tavium, and the woman's name Tavena. Between the Tay and
the Forth Ptolemy places the river Tina or Tinna ; by position, of
course, it suits the Tay best. The river meant is the Eden, which
makes a considerable bay near St Andrews. Many think that" th'u
Tyne, of Newcastle, is meant, but this is unlikely, because this
portion of the coast was possibly the one best known to the Roman
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 279
fleets, as we can easily guess from Agricola's campaign. If it be
the Eden, then the remarks on the Eden from which we started
may apply to its derivation. Otherwise Tina or Tinna may be
referred to the root ten, stretch, pull, Welsh tyn.
The Estuary of Boderia is undoubtedly the Firth of Forth '
this name Tacitus gives as Bodotria. By combining the tw ,.
readings we may arrive at a form Bodertia, the first portion .c
which may be the well-known Pictish form Fother, so common
place-names as a prefix, latterly dwindling into For (cornpare
Fothuirtabhaicht, now Forteviot, Fordun from Fotherdun),
provected in Scotch to Fetter (Fettercairn, Fetteresso). It J
possibly terminal in Dunottar, anciently Duin Foither, Oppidum
Fother, Dun feeder (Simon of Durham for latter). Dr Stok
suggests a connection with Irish foithre^ woods ; but the Picti8
/other points as likely to an older voter, a comparative form of t"e
prep, vo, under, and comparable to a Greek upoteros. The o
Picto-Celtic form of Forth may have been Vo-ter-tia, which wit
the hardening of the v and the softening of the t (to rf), whic
were in process probably as early as the first century, would give
us the /foderia or jBodotria, of the Classical writers. Forth seem8
to be the descendant of the word which Bodotria stands for. The
12th century writer of "De Situ Albaniae" says the river is called
Froch in Gaelic (Scottice) and Werid in Welsh (Britannice) — Eng.
Scottewatre, that is, Scottish Sea. In two Irish versions of a poem
on the Picts, added to the Irish mediaeval Nennius, we are told
the Picts took Alba " 0 crich Cat co Foircu (or Foirchiu)," that is,
•" from the bounds of Caithness to Forth." Zeuss compares
Bodotria to the form buadarthe^ turbulentus, applied to a stream
in an old Irish gloss, and no doubt a shorter form of the word
luadar, that is, bodar, would do ; but then the modern name
Forth, which seems connected with the Classical names, must
receive a separate explanation.
The next point on the coast noticed by Ptolemy is the mouth
of the river Alaunus; the river named is the Alne of North-
umberland, surely insignificant compared to the Tweed, which is
ignored. Captain Thomas suggests that the Tweed is meant but
the Alne named. In a similar way, the Tyne is passed unmen-
tioned, while the Wear is taken, under the name of Vedra. For
its derivation, see Cape Vervedrum. There was another Alaunus in
the south of England, identified with the Axe, and two cities in
France and two in Britain called Alauna. There are at least
three Scotch rivers called Allan, and this is supposed co be the
modern form of ancient Alaunos, or, the more Celtic, Alauna.
280 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
There is a Welsh Alun river, and the Cornish Camel is also known
as the Alan. The word likely divides into Al-auna, and possibly
the root is pal, as in Latin pahu, marsh.
Let us now consider the sixteen or seventeen tribes that
Ptolemy divides Scotland among. The Novantae occupied Wigton ;
we have already regarded them as the " New-comers," root nov,
new. Eastward to the head of the Solway lay the Selgova), whose
name still survives in Solway Firth ; the root is selg, which in the
Celtic tongues means " hunting ;" the Selgovec were the " Hunts-
men." The great tribe of the Damnonii occupied the counties of
Ayr, Lanark, Renfrew, Dumbarton, Stirling, Mcnteith and Foth-
rcve or the western portion of Fife (Skene). They are generally
in name regarded the same as the Dumnonii of ancient Devon, to
which they gave that name. Prof. Rhys calls the Damnonii a
Brythonic people, and finds remains of their name in that of the
river Devon in Perthshire. If the Damnonii are in name the
same as the Durnnonii, the root is the very common Celtic one of
Dumnos or Dubnos, " world," the modern Gaelic dom/ian, allied to-
Eng. deep. East of the Selgovse and Damnonii lay the Otadini
(long o), along the east coast from the Wear to the Firth of Forth,
if not into Fife ! So awkwardly does the town Alauna fit the
position of the Estuary of Boderia that the situation of the town
suits only the isle of Inchkeith. Otalini is the reading of five
good MSS., Otadini or Otadeni that of 15, and Tadini or Gadeni
that of some others. The preferable reading is Otadini, which
suits the old Welsh name of the Lothian district, viz., Guotodin.
While the tribes we have just enumerated are said to have
possessed towns, which are duly named and " positioned," a matter
which helps the identification of the tribal localities, the next ten
tribes arc slumped together townless, and with little or no guidance
as to their position. First come the Epidii, touching the Damnonii
to the north- west, and starting from Cape Epidium, as Ptolemy
says. We may assign them Kintyre and Lorn. The name is
from the root epo-, the Gaulish for "horse," Gaelic each. The
ancient Gaelic name would have been Eqidios ; indeed the name
exists in Adamnan's personal name, Echodius and the later
Eachaidh, which in Gaelic passed into Eachuinn. Dr Stokes,
however, thinks the root is pefcu, cattle, Lat, pecu ; he would give
the oldest form as (p)ekvidioi, " cattle-holders," the later Irish
personal name being Eochaid ; but the other derivation seems the
right one, for, as a matter of fact, the root peku appears nowhere
else in Celtic. Next are the Cerones or Creones, for the MSS.
differ as to whether these were two or one people. The root of
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 28}
the name is either Jeer or kre ; it is a root of several meanings, the
chief one of which is to " cut, divide, throw." Various authorities
see remains of the name in the West Coast loch names — such as
Crinan, Creran, etc., also Carron, Keiarn, Kearon. Captain
Thomas extends them from Crinan to Loch Leven, and finds the
name in Creran. The Carnouacie, according to most writers,
occupied Wester Ross, and, of course, Loch Carron has been
equated with the name. The true derivation seems to be earn,
" a hill,'' common to all the Celtic tongues ; they were the men of
the " Rough-bounds," or Garbh-chriochan — the " Cairn-men."
The use of Cam or Cairn for mountain names is peculiar
to Pictland and Wales. Dr Stokes connects the 8th cen-
tury name Monith Carno, the scene of a battle between
two rival Pictish kings, fought in 729, near Loch Lochy (*?).
The Csereni, or, properly, Caireni, may be placed in Western
Sutherland up to near the Naver. The root cair is that of
*cairax, the modern caora, sheep ; compare the Cseroesi of
Gaul. Animal names giving names to persons or nations is not an
uncommon phenomenon. The Cornavii occupied Caithness, the
" horn" or corn of Scotland. There were Cornavii between the
Dee and the Mersey in England, and Cornwall still holds the
name, standing for Corn-Wales, "the Welsh of the Horn."
Neighbours to the Cornavii southwards were the Lugi,
occupying easter Sutherland. Around Loch Shin were the-
Smertse, and Easter Ross was occupied, up to the Varar Estuary,
by the Decantte. The root lug of the name Lugi appears in
many Celtic names, both on the Continent and in Ireland. Indeed^
there was a Lugi tribe in Mid-Germany contemporary with the
Highland Lugi. The god of light and arts among the Gael was.
called Luga of the Long Arms ; and the old name of Lyons was
Lugdunum, explained by an old glossary as " desiderate monte ""
— the desirable town. Dr Stokes refers the root lug to a Celtic base-
corresponding to Ger. loken, allure, Norse lokka. In that case the
Norse god Loki is Aryan cousin, probably, to Luga, though the
former is the god of evil enticement, while the Celtic Lug is;
alluring by good. The Smertie or Mertso also shows a common
root ; we have the personal names Smertalos (Cumberland
inscription), Smertulitanos, Smertomara, Ad-smerios, etc. ; and^the
goddess Minerva of the Gauls, called Ro-smerta. These Dr Stokes
refers to the root smer, to shine. The Decantsc are paralleled by
an ancient people of North Wales — theljDecanti, or DecangiJ(^
now Degannwy. The name seems also to be found on the
Ogam inscriptions as Deceti ; there is also the Decetia of Caesar,
282 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Dr Stokes gives the root as dec, Latin (tccus, glory, Eng. decorous.
The Caledonii or Caledonians are definitely located ; they
stretched, says Ptolemy, from Leniann Bay to the Estuary of
Varar — from Loch Fyne to the Inverness Firth ; above them, that
is, west of them, is the Caledonios Drumos or Forest. This last,
as Skene said, is Drum Alban and the western Grampians. A line
from Loch Fyne to Inverness goes right along Drum Alban for
half the way ; in fact, the district so defined is an impossible one
for two reasons. The Caledonians wrere east of Drum Alban ;
secondly, Dunkeld, which most writers allow as containing their
name, shews that Perthshire was occupied by them. In fact, the
Caledonians inhabitated Perthshire and caster Inverness. Much
discussion has raged round the name, and authorities are by no
means agreed yet. Professor Windisch gave as the root of Cale-
donian the form Cald-onios ; the root cald in Gaelic and Welsh
means ''wood" — Gaelic cufle, Welsh celli. Hence Caldonii or
Caledonii meant " Woodlauders." As a further proof, the name
Dunkeld is in old Gaelic Dun Caldeu, now Dun-Chaillimi ; and
there is also the mountain Sidh-Chaillinn in mid Perthshire. The
combined sound Id was separated by the Romans and a vowel e
introduced ; this was mistakenly lengthened by Ptolemy and his
imitators. The Welsh forms show Celidon, but are evidently
founded on the Latin pronunciation of Cabdonia. Dr Stokes
separates Caledonii from both Dun Gulden and from cald, coille,
wood, He cannot agree that the root in Caledonia can be Caldeu
and cald. Professor Rhys, on the other hand, allows that Dun
Calden contains the name Caledonia, but he denies that either can
be of Celtic, origin, much less akin to the root cald. The Dve-
Caledonian Sea or Western Ocean has a puzzling name ; the dve
has been explained as meaning " two." This postulates two Cale-
donias, and this there was, if Perthshire was their southern and
Inverness-shire their northern seat, and according to all evidences
the Caledonians were an inland people : it is difficult to understand
how they could have given their name to the Western Ocean,
unless, indeed, the northern half occupied all Inverness-shire, west
as well as east. In the wars of Severus so important were the
Caledonians become that only they alone are mentioned for the
northern Highlands, the other tribe being the Mteatse, near
Agricola's wall.
The Vacomagi, according to Ptolemy, occupied territory east of
the Caledonians and coterminous with theirs throughout. What
suits his figures is the stretch of country which begins on the
Moray Firth with Elgin and Banff, includes Western Aberdeen-
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 283
shire and Perthshire, or, at least, the eastern portion of it. One of
their four towns — Bannatia — would fall about the Earn or Almond,
near Crieff, while the northernmost town is identified, probably
rightly, with Burghead, and is called " Winged Camp." The
name Vacomagi has been explained by Mr Bradley and Professor
Rhys as " men of the open plains," in opposition to the Caledonian
Woodlanders. The stretch of country allotted to them by Ptolemy,
intersected as it is with the Grampians and its south-tending
spurs, would hardly gain them this name; but possibly they really
occupied Forfar, West Aberdeen onwards to the Moray Firth,
leaving Perthshire to the Caledonians. As to the derivation, the
form vacos is very common in Celtic names, both as prefix and
affix, but, as Gluck remaiked, its meaning is obscure. The Welsh
gwdg, empty, which Mr Bradley and Professor Rhys's derivation
brings forward as a parallel, is apparently borrowed from Latin ;
Dr Stokes, however, allows it as a native word in his Comparative
Dictionary, just published The form magi may be equated with
old Gaelic mag, plain, now magk. No trace of such a name as
Vacomagi now exists. The Tsexali of Aberdeenshire we have
already discussed ; and Ptolemy's only other tribe is the
Ven(n)icones, or Venicomes ; this name is found also, but only
once or twice, as Vernicomes. They occupied Easter Fife, and
perhaps stretched northward into Forfar ; Ptolemy makes them
and the Taexali fill the whole coast, apparently, from Kinnaird
Head to Fife Ness. Modern editors prefer Vernicones as the
name of this people ; Professor Rhys once explained the name as
" Marsh-hounds," adducing the Welsh gwern, a swamp, and cwn,
hounds, as complete parallels. It may be remarked ^that "dog "
names were common and popular among the Gaelic Celts, and the
derivation is, therefore, not to be rejected on any idea that such
a name would be insulting. But verno may also mean " good " and
" alder," and, then, there is the terminal comes as against cones in
the MS. readings. Possibly Professor Rhys's derivation is the best
one. If we take Ven instead of Vern, then we have the well-
known Celtic root for "kin," "friends," Gaelic fine, seen in names
like Veiieti, etc.
Ptolemy mentions 21 towns as existent in Scotland in his time;
they are mostly in the south, the Highland tribes having none, we
may say. What exactly Ptolemy meant by his " towns " it is hard
to say, for of regular towns in a Roman sense there were none.
Possibly defensive positions — the duna or fortified hills and the
strongholds in woods or by rivers — are meant ; and certainly
within the lines of Roman conquest and campaigning the " towns '
284 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
appear to have been so many Roman positions taken up and occupied
by Roman camps and forts ; witness such a name as Victoria,
the position of which is naturally assigned to some place in Perth,
or Fife that presents prominent Roman remains. Hence we may
account for so many towns being named by the rivers on which
they were placed; the town, as it were, was "the Camp on the
Allan " or whatever river it may have been. Again Ptolemy is
very inaccurate in his account of the position of the towns, even
in England. Says Mr Bradley : — " No reliance can be placed on
any of Ptolemy's indications of the position of inland places not
otherwise known to us ; and the limits of the tribal territories are
dependent almost entirely on the situation of the towns. Under
these circumstances, it does not seem that Ptolemy's internal
geography of Britain is likely to repay the trouble of a minute
examination." The case in Scotland is much worse than with
England ; there certain names are recognisable, but in Scotland no
town name has survived from Ptolemy's time. In these circum-
stances, we shall pass them in very brief review.
The Novantae had two towns — Lucopibia and Rerigonium.
The former is placed by Skene at Whithorn, once St Ninian's
Candida Casa. The Inco of Lucopibia means "white" in Greek
and " shining" in the Brittonic languages ; so that the English,
Latin, and Greek are all translations or adaptations (Greek) of the
Celtic original. Others see the name preserved in Luce and Glen
Luce, and transfer the town to the latter place. Rerigcnium was
on Loch Ryan, doubtless, where Roman works can still be seen.
The Selgovae had four towns — one was Carbantorigon, possibly at
the Moat of Urr, between the Nith and the Dee (Skene) ; Rhys
thinks the name is a Celtic degradation of Carbantorion, " chariot
town," for Garbanton meant " chariot." Uxellum or " High-town"
(Welsh, uchel ; Gaelic, uas, uasal) may have been Wardlaw Hill, ak
Caerlaverock (Skene) ; while Corda, whose derivation is doubtful,
was possibly at or about Sanquhar. Trimontium, or " Three
Mount," suits the Eildon Hills for meaning, but Skene, for position
and for the Roman works there, places it at Birrenswark.
The Damnonii had six towns — the first town is Colania, near
the sources of the Clyde, making a frontier post on a northward
march; second, Coria, which Skene places at Carstairs, where
numerous remains, both Roman and Native, have been found;
third, Vindogara, whose derivation we discussed already, which
may have been at London Hill, in Ayrshire, where remains of a
Roman camp exist; fourth, Alauna, which Skene places at the
unction of the Allan and Forth, and which would form a defence-
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 285
against a foe advancing into Caledonia. It was somewhere on the
Allan ; Rhys places it at the famous Ardoch, near the Allan. The
fifth town is Lindum, which Skene places at Ardoch : the word
means " water, linn ;" for name Lindum would suit Lin-lithgow
best. The town of Victoria, which, in Celtic, would be Boudica or
Pictish Budic, must have been a Roman station, possibly at Lake
Orr, in Wester Fife (Skene), where Roman remains exist.
The Otadini had three towns : first, Coria, which is variously
placed at Peebles and at Carby Hill, Liddesdale (Skene) ; second,
another Alauna, which, as was said, suits Inchkeith by position,
but is possibly AlnwicK misplaced. Bremenion, whose root brew
means " roaring," is placed by Skene at High-Rochester in Redes-
dale, where traces of the Romans still exist.
We are on the confines of the Highlands, if not actually in
them, when we come to the Vacomagi. In any case they were
a great Pictish tribe. They had four towns : first, Bannatia or
Banatia, which is variously placed on the Earn at Strageath, the
Almond at Buchanty (Skene, Rhys), or the Garry in Atholl
(Thomas). The editor of the Monumenta Historica Britannicd,
places it at Inverness and Bona. The root ban or bann is found
often on Celtic ground : it means " white," "milk," "bond," etc.
The second town is Tamia, which Skene places on the isle of Inch-
tuthill in the Tay, where numerous remains exist ; the root tarn
is common, especially for river names, and possibly means "dark."
The " Winged Camp" is by common consent allocated to Burg-
head ; while Tvesis is placed by Skene at Boharm on the Spey,
for it is but the river name used as a town name.
The Vernicones have been allocated only one town — Orrea,
which has been variously placed by modern writers — at the
junction of the Orr and Leven in Fife (Rhys), at Abernethy
(Skene), and at Forfar (Thomas). Somewhere on the Orr seems
besk Skene has suggested that Orr, the river name, is connected
with Basque Ur, water; so, he thinks, are the several rivers of similar
mames which we have — Oure, lire, Urie,1 Orrin, and Ore. This
should delight Prof. Rhys. The root or, however, is a good Aryan
one, and signifies to " run," " start ;" the Norse orr means swift ;
and the root por, which also in Celtic results in or, gives like
meanings — " passing through, eto." The Tsexali are represented
as having one town — Devana. Skene places this, mostly because
1 The u in most of these cases is long. Inver-urie appears in 1300 a*
Inver-vwry, though the modern spelling existed ia 1199. The derivation
.suggested is from iubhar, the yew, the Gaulish Ebiiro, which appears in so
many ancient names of places, rivers, and peoples.
286 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
of similarity of name, at Loch Daven, near Ballater. The
phonetics are unsatisfactory in two ways ; the a does not corres-
pond to e in Devana, and it is unlikely that v could be preserved
in such a unique word. In fact, the v has disappeared out of the
name Deon, the Don now, from which Aberdeen has its name.
The Gaelic is Dian, for ancient Dlvona. or rather Deivona. This
is undoubtedly Ptolemy's word as well, and possibly Aberdeen, or
rather Old Aberdeen is meant. The name means " goddess," and
is found in Gaul ;l for the idea underlying it, see the remarks on
the Dee or Deva.
Ptolemy places four islands, or island groups, adjacent to his
Cape Orkas. The first is known in the best MSS. as Skitis or
Sketis (once only), while most MSS. give the form Ocitis. Ptolemy
places Skitis about 70 miles N.E. of Cape Orkas, and, owing to the
form Ocitis, many writers consider ^t as having been one of the
Orcades islands. It is, however, more probably the Isle of Skye
misplaced, a view which commends itself to Muller, Thomas, and
Stokes. The latter says that it is " the wing-shaped island of
Skye ; Norse, Skidh ; Irish, Scii (dat. case, date 700 in Annals of
Ulster) ; Adamnan, Sa« ; gen., Sceth (date 667 in Annals of
Ulster), Scith (Tigernach, 668); means wing, Ir. Sciat/i, Sciathan."
Dr Stokes' derivation is the one usually accepted ; the Norse
Skidh, which is possibly influenced by " folk-etymology," means a
'• log," " firewood," " tablet," and is allied to another Gaelic Sgiath,
a shield. It is interesting to note that the Dean of Lismore refers
to the island as "Clar Skeith"— the Board of Skith.
The second island is called Dumna ; he places it some 60 miles
north, that is west (?), of the mouth of the Naver, and the Orcades
Isles only twenty miles further off northwards. Pliny mentions
Dumna, but places it along with Scandia or Scandinavia. Mr
Elton thinks it is one of the Orkneys, Captain Thomas says that
it is usual to connect it with Stroma ("Current Isle"), and Mr
Bradley considers it either to be Skye or the Long Island. It may
be the Long Island ; the name seems to contain the root which we
have already discussed in the case of the Damnonii or Dumnonii,
the u of which is also long.2
There are thirty Orcades Islands, says Ptolemy ; other writers,
such as Pliny, Mela and Solinus mention them and their numbers
(40 or 30), and Tacitus tells us that Agricola's fleet subdued them.
The name is still with us in Orkney, a Norse form signifying the
1 Ausonius (4th century) explains it thus : " Divona, fons addite divia."
1 Compare the goddess Domnu, whose name is in Inver Domuann (Rhys'"
Hib. Lect., p. 593),
Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland. 287<
" Isles of Ork." Old Gaelic ore signified a " pig, a whale ;" hence
" Whale-Isles " is the force of the word. Allied by root is the
Lat. porcus, pig, whence radically we have the Eng. pork. The
fourth island is the ever-famous Thule, but what the meaning of
the name is or where the island was situated we do not here intend
to discuss, for it is a very fruitless task. It is possibly part of
Scandinavia ; at least we cannot consider Thule as belonging to
Scotland.
In conclusion, I will now draw some inferences from these
names given by Ptolemy for northern Scotland. Early Pictland,
we may take it, was Scotland north of the Firths of Forth and
Clyde — the part of the country never subdued by Roman arms
and called by Tacitus Caledonia. For this district north of the
Firths up to the Orkneys, Ptolemy has given us some 44 names.
Are the names Aryan by root and character ? Are they Celtic ?
If Celtic, do they belong to the Brittonic or to the Gadelic branch
of Celtic ? The first two questions are practically answered ; we
have only to summarise the results at which we arrived in discus-
sing the names separately. Of the 44, three are translated names
- Ripa Alta, Pinnata Castra, and Victoria ; these cannot count in
our argument. The following names we found (1) Celtic
derivations for and (2) noted them as existent either on the
Continent in Celtic regions or in England and Wales on Brittonic
ground, viz.: — Lemannonius, Itis, Tarvedum (Tarvedunum),
Deva, Devana, Tava, Cornavii, Decantse, Lugi, Smertse, Lindum,
to which we may add Alauua. The root of Dumna and Durnnonii
is common in Celtic lands, and the elements of Vaco-magi are
easily paralleled in Gaul. Epidii is specially Brittonic, and good
Celtic roots were found for Clota, Longos, Nabaros, Carnonacae,
Csereni, Vernicoues, Oread es ; the Gaulish prefix ver appears in
Ver'vedrum, and Verubium ; we suggested probable roots for
Volsas, Ila, Varar, Loxa, Cselis, Cerones (Creones), Sketis, and also
for Banuatia and Tamia. Even should our derivation of
Caledonia be disputed, the root cal may be fallen back upon, and
it is quite common in Celtic names ; but it is a root of several
meanings. The Tvesis and Tina are doubtful as to form and
origin (Spey and Eden 1) ; Bodotria, which is in a similar position,
was referred to a Pictish comparative (vo-ter-) ; Orrea we referred
to the root or, and Teexali was left nnderived. JSkene suggests
*br Orrea and Ila a Basque origin, a view that should commend
itself to Professor Rhys.
We thus see that only three or four words cannot be satis-
factorily accounted for ; and these, in two cases, are badly
288 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
recorded forms ; we are not sure that we are dealing with" the
genuine forms of the words. One-third of the names can easily
be paralleled elsewhere on Celtic ground — Gaulish and Brittonic,
but not, however, on Gadelic ground ; a fourth more show good
Celtic roots, and another fourth can be satisfactorily analysed into
either Aryan or Celtic radicals. Hence we may justly conclude
that the Picts or Caledonians spoke not only an Aryan, but also a
Celtic language in the first century of our era. Two further facts
point to the conclusion that the Pictish language and people were
rather Brittonic than Gadelic. First, the p of Epidii is thoroughly
non-Gaelic, but it is equally thoroughly Welsh ; the root ego or
•epo, as we saw, means "horse," and the former is the Gadelic and
the latter the Brittonic form. Again, the names which are
paralleled by Gaulish and British similar forms clearly belong to
Brittonic, or rather Gallo-British, aground, such as Devana,
Tava, Alauna, Smertse, Itis ; these names cannot be got either
in ancient or modern Ireland. We thus see that Ptolemy's
.geography of Pictland yields some proof that the Picts were, as to
language, allied to the Cymric branch of the Celtic race. With
later sources, such as Bede, Adamnan, the Annalists, and the
Place-names, these proofs accumulate, so that now we may claim,
despite the cranky theories and objections of certain people, that
the Pictish question is settled.
28 tk DECEMBER, 1892.
At this meeting the following gentlemen were elected members
of the Society, viz.: — Mr J. E. Horrigan, Collector ot Inland
Revenue, Inverness ; Rev. R. Macdougall, Resolis Manse, Inver-
gordon ; Rev. Angus Cameron, St John's Rectory, Arpafeelie ; Mr
Donald Nicolson, Primrose Cottage, Uig, Portree ; and Professor
A. G. Macdonald, Truro, Nova Scotia. Thereafter the Secretary
read a paper contributed by the Rev. J. Macgregor, Kilmorc
Manse, Argyleshire, entitled " Highland Sentiment."
The M act n tyres of G/ennoe. 289
18th JANUARY, 1893.
At this meeting, Mr Alex. Macdonald moved, and it was unani-
mously agreed to, that the Society record in their minutes, their
loss and deep regret at the death of Ex-Councillor William Gunn,
Inverness, who was always an active and energetic member of the
Society from its foundation. The rest of the evening was devoted
to the nomination of office-bearers for 1893.
25th JANUARY, 1893.
At this meeting office-bearers for 1893 \\ere elected, and Dr
Cameron and Dr Cruickshanks, Nairn, were elected members of
the Society. Thereafter the honorary secretary, Mr William
Mackay, read a paper contributed by the Rev. A. Maclean
Sinclair, Prince Edward's Island, Nova Scotia, on the "Macintyres
of Glennoe."
Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., moved, and Mr W. Mackay, hon.
secretary, seconded, the following motion, which was cordially
approved of by the meeting, viz. »: — " That the meeting pass a
resolution expressive of the great loss which Highland and Celtic
literature have sustained in the lamented death of Sheriff Nicol-
son, Edinburgh, one of the Honorary Chieftains of the Society,
whose intimate acquaintance with the Gaelic language, and his
unwearied interest in all that tended to benefit his fellow-country-
men, caused his name to be well known and deeply revered among
Highlanders in all parts of the world." The Secretary was
instructed to forward an extract of the minute, with an expression
of the sincere condolence of the Society, to Sheriff Nicolsou's
sister, in Edinburgh.
Mr Sinclair's paper was as follows : —
THE MACINTYRES OF GLENNOE.
The name Macintyre, Mac-an-t-Saoir, means son of the car-
penter. It may be regarded as a fact, then, that the progenitor
of the Macintyres was known as "an saor," or the carpenter. But
why was he called the carpenter 1 Was he a real carpenter ? Or
was he merely a man, who, owing to some act or other performed
by him, came to be spoken of as the carpenter 1
The earliest traditional account of the carpenter from whom
the Macintyres have sprung is substantially as follows : — Olave
19
290 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the Red, King of Man, came with his fleet to a certain loch in the
Western Isles with the purpose of bringing the whole of the
islands into subjection to him. Somerled, Thane of Argyle, came
to the other side of the loch, and calling out asked Clave how he
fared. Olave replied that he was well. Then Somerled said that
he would assist him in his expedition, if he would give him his
daughter in marriage. Olave replied that he would not, but told
him that he would have to go with him. Somerled resolved to go
with Olave, and brought his two galleys over to the place in which
Olave's ship was lying at anchor. Maurice Mac Neill, Somerled's
sister's son, was in Olave's company. Maurice came to Somerled
and told him that he would find means of getting Olave's daughter
for him. In the night time Maurice bored Olave's ship with a
number of holes and overlaid them with tallow and butter.
Olave, Somerled, and their followers sailed in the morning. When
they had passed the point of Ardnajnurchan, Olave's ship sprung
a leak and began to sink. Olave cried for help to Somerled, but
Somerled would not save him unless he would consent to give him
his daughter. At last being in danger of losing his life, Olave
promised with a solemn oath to give Somerled his daughter.
Somerled then received him immediately into his galley. Maurice
went into Olave's ship, and took with him pins which he had in
readiness. He put the pins in the holes and saved the ship from
.sinking. From that day he was known as the carpenter. He was
the ancestor of those who call themselves Macintyres, or sons of
the carpenter (Collectanea De Rebus Albanicis, page 283).
According to Duncan Ban Macintyre, the progenitor of the
Macintyres was at sea in a boat, and used his thumb instead of a
pin to fill up a hole through which the water was rushing in. He
cut the thumb off and drove it into the hole with a hammer. He
belonged to Sleat, in the Isle of Skye, and was a descendant of
Conn Ceud-Chathach.
" Bha sibh uair gu grinn a seoladh
Air druim saile ;
Chaidh tar rung a aon de bhordaibh
Druim a bhata ;
Leis a chabhaig, sparr e 'n ordag
Sios na h-aite ;
'S bhuail e gu teann leis an ord i,
'S ceann d' i fhagail."
For the latest form of the tradition about the origin of the
Macintyres we are indebted to that accomplished, noble-hearted,
and patriotic Highlander, the late John F. Campbell of Islay.
The Macintyres of Glennoe. 291
According to Mr Campbell's informant, a woman named Flora
Macintyre, there was a King in Islay long ago who was known as
High Fionnaghal. He was a Macdonald, and had his residence on
the island in Loch Fionn-lagan. He had an illegitimate son. He
was one day at sea in a boat, and had this son with him. The
peg in the bottom of the boat came out and was lost. The young
man thrust his thumb into the hole and chopped it off with an
axe. " Mo laochan air saor na h-ordaig !" — " Good on your head,
thumb carpenter" — said his father. The King's son was from that
day known as Saor na h-Ordaig, or the Thumb Carpenter. The
Macintyres are descended from him (Popular Tales of the West
Highlands, Vol. IV., page 35). High Fionnaghal, properly Righ
Fionnghall, King of the Fair Strangers, was no doubt the title by
which Olave the Red was known among the Highlanders. As the
Lords of the Isles were successors of Olave, the same title would
be given them. The fair strangers were the Scandinavians who
had settled in the Western Islands.
The story which represents the progenitor of the Macintyres,
as cutting off his thumb to stop a leak in the bottom of a boat
with it, is a little too absurd for credence. It is possible, however,
that he did something like that which Maurice Macneill is said to
have done. At the same time he may have been a real carpenter.
A good ship carpenter would be a very useful and prominent man.
According to tradition, the Macintyres came from one of the
Western Isles. They lived for some time south of Ben Crtiachan.
They tried on several occasions to drive their cattle through the
passes of that mountain, but were always stopped and turned
back by a spirit that acted as guardian of the mountain. This
spirit, however, was by no means unfriendly to them. He told
them one day that they had been taking the wrong passes, and
directed them to the pass or opening that led to Glennoe. He
also told them to follow a white cow that they had in their herd,
and. to build a house for themselves on the first spot on which the
cow would lie down to rest. They followed his advice. The
result was that they settled in the beautiful valley of Glennoe.
The Macintyres occupied the farm of Glennoe for a long
period. According to an old saying, an apple tree at Loch Etive
and Macintyre of Glennoe were the oldest farmers in Scotland —
" Craobh de dh-abhall a gharaidh aig taobh Loch Eite agus Mac-
an-t-Saoir Ghlinn-Nodha da thuathanach a 's sinne 'n Albainn."
General Stewart of Garth states that the Macintyres settled in
Glennoe about the year 1300. They were foresters of the Stewarts
of Lorn, and were continued in the same employment by the
Campbells of Glenurchy. — Sketches of the Highlanders, vol. I., p. 80.
292 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
The Macin tyres never owned Glennoe. They held it, however,,
upon very easy terms, first, from the Stewarts, and afterwards
from the Campbells. All that they had to do was to give the
proprietor a fatted white calf every year and a snowball in the
middle of the summer. They could easily get a snowball from,
the crevices of Ben Cruachan ; and very fortunately they had
always one or two white cows that supplied them with the calves
required from the time of their settlement in Glennoe until the
year 1806. When the Highland lairds began to grow greedy like
other mortals, the Earl of Breadalbane, by which title Campbell
of Glenurchy had come to be known, persuaded Macintyre of
Glennoe to pay him a nominal rent instead of giving him a calf
and snowball. In the course of a few years the nominal rent was
increased to a real rent, and increased to so large a sum that the
Macintyres could not pay it and make a comfortable living. They
were thus under the necessity of parting with the home of their
fathers.
The Macintyres of Glennoe were the chiefs of the Macintyres.
Duncan Ban, in his " Rahm Gearradh-arm," speaks of James of
Glennoe as " Seumas an ceann-cimiidli nach treig gu brath sinn "
— James, the clan-head, who will never forsake us.
Duncan Macintyre of Glennoe, chief of the Macintyres, married
Mary, daughter of Patrick Campbell of Barcaldine, Para Beag, by
whom he had Donald, his successor. He died in 1695. He is
buried in the Priory of Ardchattan.
Donald of Glennoe got into trouble with the Stewarts of
Appin, and was under the necessity of fleeing from their vengeance
to Keppoch. It is said that the cause of his trouble with them
was that he had killed one of their followers accidentally in a
brawl. He remained in Keppoch for some time. He was married
twice. By his first wife, Janet, daughter of Archibald Macdonald
of Keppoch (Gilleasbic na Ceapich), he had one child, a daughter.
By his second wife, Catherine, daughter of Macdonald of Dalness,
he had three children, James, Catherine, and Mary. His eldest
daughter was married to Alexander Campbell of Ardchattan.
Catherine was married to Charles Campbell, an officer in the
Excise Customs. Catherine and her husband lived togethsr over
eighty years. They had one son. He was a merchant, and died
id Charleston, South Carolina. Mary was married to Donald
Macuicol, a grazier, and for some time keeper of the stage-house or
inn at Dalmally. Mary had two sons, John and Donald. She
had three daughters.
James of Glennoe was born about the year 1727. He was
c-iliicated bv the Earl of Breadallmne until he was able to bear
The Macintytes of Glennoe. 293
arms. He studied law for some time, but gave it up after his
father's death to take charge of Glennoe. He was a man of high
culture, and an excellent Gaelic scholar. He was the author of
several Gaelic poems, in one of which he makes a bitter attack
upon Dr Johnson. He married Ann, daughter of Duncan Camp-
bell of Barcaldine, and sister of Cailein Ghlinn lubhair. He had
three sons and six daughters-^-Donald, Martin, Duncan, Catherine,
Ann, Isabel, Mary, Lucy, and Jean. He died in 1799. His wife
lived to the advanced age of 103 years.
James Shaw, bard, Loch-nan-Eala, composed a truthful and
pretty song about James of Glennoe —
" Fear dubh, fear dubh, fear dubh, fear dubh,
Fear dubh, fear dubh 's e liath-ghlas ;
Fear dubh, fear dubh 's a chridhe geal,
Le spiorad glan gun iargain.
" Cha ii-aithne dhomh 's na criochan so —
'S cha mhis' a theid ga t' fhiachainn —
Aon duin' a chumas seanachas riut,
'S gun chearb a tigh'nn o d' bhial air."
Martin, second son of James of Glennoe, died in the 18th year
•of his age. Duncan, the third son, was a captain in one of the
Highland regiments. He succeeded bis father in Glennoe. He
married Ann, daughter of Campbell of Duneaves, in Perthshire,
by whom he had a daughter Jane, who died unmarried. Dimcan
died in London, in 1808. He was the last Macintyre that held
Glennoe. His widow married a Major Stephenson. She retained
possession of the manuscripts that had belonged to James of
Glennoe. What became of these manuscripts I do not know.
Among them were the history of Smerbie Mor and the history of
the Sons of Usnoth. — MacnicoVs Remarks, Livingstone's Edition,
page 147.
Catherine, eldest daughter of James of Glennoe, was married
to Peter Macintyre ; Ann to Donald Macintyre, Peter's brother ;
Isabel to Archibald Maclellan ; Lucy to John Macintyre ; and
Jean to the Rev. Duncan Macintyre, minister of Kilmallie. Mary
•died unmarried. Catherine, Ann, and Isabel came with their
husbands to Ontario.
Donald, eldest son of James of Glennoe, succeeded his father
in the chiefship of the clan. He was a doctor. He studied in
Edinburgh. He came to New York in 1785. He married Esther
Haines, by whom he had four sons — James, Donald, Thomas, and
294 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Martin. He practised his profession in two or three different
places. He died in 1792. He is buried at friinbury, in
Pennsylvania. Donald, his second son, had four daughters ;
Thomas had three sons and four daughters ; Martin died
unmarried.
James, eldest son of Dr Donald Macintyre, was born in New-
burgh, Orange County, New York, in 1785. He went to Scotland
in 1806. He was a factor during several years. He married, in
1817, Ann, daughter of Peter Campbell of Corner, in Glenurchyy
by his wife Joan, daughter of John Cameron of Fassiefern. He
returned to the United States in 1822, and settled on a farm
about four miles north of Johnstown, in Fulton County, New
York. He had six sons — Donald, Peter, James, Ewen, Archibald,
and Martin. He died in 1863. His wife died February 26th,
1887. She was born at Inverary ii> 1792. She was ninety-five
years of age, except five months, at the time of her death.
Peter, second son of James Macintyre, is a farmer ; James is
in the glove business in Johnstown ; Ewen is a druggist in New
York ; Archibald is a wholesale provision merchant in Albany ;
Martin is a druggist at Fonda.
Donald, eldest son of James Macintyre, settled on a farm near
the village of Fonda, in the State of New York. He married
Phebe Shepard, by whom he had one son, James, and four
daughters. He died in October, 1887. He is buried at Johnstown.
James, his only son, was born January 24th, 1864. James is the
present chief of the Macintyres.
I have seen it stated that the Carnerons of Glen-Nevis were
originally Macintyres (the Highland Monthly, Vol. II., p. 191).
What foundation there is for this statement 1 do not know. It is
true that the Macintyres were not lairds. Still, as they claimed
descent from Gillibride na h-Uamha, Somerled's father, it is not
likely that any of them would change their name, even to please
Lochiel.
I find the Clanntyre Vic Coshem mentioned in a bond of man-
rent, in 1612. They lived in Creignish, and seem to have been
Macintyres. The head of the family was Malcolm, son of Duncan
Macintyre Mac Coshem (Collectanea De Relus Albanicis, p. 206).
Duncan Ban had a gun which he called "Nic-Coiseam."
John Macintyre of Camus na-h-Eireadh wras tenth in descent
from Macintyre of Glennoe. He fought under Prince Charles,
and was wounded at Falkirk. He composed a few Gaelic poems.
He died in 1755. He had at least two sons, Duncan, and one
who had a son named Peter. Duncan was a minister. He was.
The Mac in tyres of G/ennoe. 295
ordained in 1784. He became minister of Laggan in 1809, and
of Kilmallie in 1816. He married Jean, daughter of James of
Glennoe, by whom he had John and Martin. He died in 1830.
His wife died in 1855. John, the accomplished Dr Macintyre, of
Kilmonivaig, was the author of several Gaelic poerns. Peter,
grandson of John Macintyre of Camus-na-h-Eireadh, was a captain
in the Royal Marines. He died in 1855. He was the author of
" Traghadh mo Dhuthcha" and other Gaelic poems.
"'S e traghadh mo dhuthcha
A dhruigh air mo chom ;
1 muthadh 's a tionndadh
Mar uspairt nan tonn ;
Na fior Ghaidheil dhileas
A diobairt nan torn,
Is ciobairean diblidh
Feadh fhrithean nan sonn."
31st JANUARY, 1893.
TWENTY-FIRST ANNUAL DINNER.
The T\\enty-first Annual Dinner of the Society took place in
the Caledonian Hotel this evening, and possessed more than
ordinary interest, celebrating as it did the 21st anniversary of its
institution. During that period the Society has published
seventeen volumes of Transactions, and its present state of
membership, and general activity in revising old and breaking in
new fields of research, gives promise of still greater literary
wealth. Rev. Dr Norman Macleod, one of the chieftains of the
Society, presided, supported by Colonel Malcolm, C.B. ; Provost
Macpherson, Kingussie ; Mr William Mackay, solicitor ; Mr A. F.
Steele, banker ; Mr H. V. Maccallum, solicitor ; Mr Duncan
Mackintosh, secretary to the Society ; Mr Alex. Mackenzie, pub-
lisher ; Mr Williamson, banker ; Mr Bannerman, Southport ;
Captain Ruari Chisholm, Seaforth Highlanders ; Mr Chisholm,
Colorado. Mr Duncan Campbell, of the Chronicle, and Mr John
Robertson, inspector of schools, were croupiers.
During the progress of the dinner, the Society's piper, Pipe-
Major Ronald Mackenzie, played a variety of tunes with character-
istic ability.
After dinner, the Chairman gave the loyal toasts in a few
choice sentences, followed by that of the " Army, Navy, and
296 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Reserve Forces," coupled with the name of Colonel Malcolm, C.B.
With regard to the army, Dr Macleod said, it is impossible not to
refer to the animated discussion now going on in connection with
the future of that most distinguished regiment, which has its
headquarters in our own town — the 79th Cameron Highlanders.
Like others, I have read many of those letters with which the
newspapers have been filled during the last few months. Some of
these have appeared to me, I confess, to be the letters of very
stupid and blundering men. Others, again, were evidently written
with full knowledge of the facts of the case, and with an intelli-
gent appreciation of the traditions and aspirations of the Highland
people. Gentlemen, I imagine tha,t I express the unanimous
feeling of this assembly when I say that we are thoroughly
opposed to the step wrhich seems to be contemplated, or perhaps I
may say, was contemplated. 1 am ^aot myself sufficiently con-
versant with military affairs to be quite able clearly to understand
the motives which lie at the root of that policy. To a civilian it
does seem extraordinary that some plan cannot be devised by
which the efficiency of the service may be secured without burying
out of sight a regiment which has borne its colours untarnished
through many a glorious campaign, and has added lustre to the
annals of its country by a thousand deeds of valour. No doubt it
is unfortunate that its recruits should at this moment be so largely
drawn from the neighbourhood of Bow-Bells. At the same time,
if some statistics lately published are reliable — and I believe they
are — it is even yet a Highland regiment in more t.han name ; and
there is no reason why it should not be maintained on the old
footing, so far as any of us can perceive. We are often told that
the military spirit is dead in the Highlands. I hope it is not.
It is hardly fair to compare the state of matters which existed at
the beginning of the century with the present time. That was a
supreme crisis, when the nation had to fight for its very existence.
The defence of their hearths and homes was the one absorbing
thought which then filled the minds of all classes of the people.
And no wonder if men flocked around the national standard, as
they cannot be expected to do in a time of profound peace and
abundance of work like the present. Even now there is more of
the martial spirit in the Highlands than is sometime thought.
Look at the Naval Reserve. Look at the Militia regiments.
Look at the Volunteers. I am persuaded that if the moment of
real national danger ever arrive, there will be no difficulty in
recruiting the ranks of the Cameron Highlanders and every High-
land regiment there is. As for the Navy, we, in this part of the
Annual Dinner. 297
•courtry, are not often reminded of the existence of the Navy;,
except, perhaps, when we hear of a great battleship going ashore
in a well-known harbour, or something of that sort happening.
To be sure, there is the Briton. I forgot the poor Briton ! But
the Briton only reminds us of the Navy that was one hundred
years ago or thereabout. I wish we could see more of the Navy
than we do, if it were only in the way of capturing Inverness
occasionally, and putting a tremendous price on the head of our
excellent Provost ! Then there are the Reserved forces, of which
we all know. In no part of the country are these Reserves more
efficiently represented than in this town and district. I give you
the toast of the Army, coupling the Navy.
Colonel Malcolm, who replied for the Army, said it was a very
trying ordeal to be asked — in passing through Inverness, which
was, of course, a centre which led to everywhere, to Oban, which
was the way to everywhere else — to face a large company of the
Gaelic Society, when he himself, unfortunately, could not speak
the Gaelic tongue. However, like the boy who, when asked if he
could speak German, said " No, but his uncle played the German
flute," he might say that, though he could not speak Gaelic, his
wife could ; more than that, she could do what many present were
not equal to — she could spell all the words she knew, and these
were not few. After relating a number of humorous stories to
illustrate the discipline of the Army, Colonel Malcolm referred to
the Cameron Highlanders. It was not for him, he said, to explain
away, or explain at all, the action of the Government in regard to
this regiment, more especially the action of the permanent
authorities of the War Department, but he would like to suggest
to whoever it might concern that, if the Highlands were not over-
recruited, let the experiment be tried of opening a few more
military stations, say at Oban, Dingvvall, and other centres. Why,
a large number of our fellows on the Wes* Coast really never had
seen a soldier ; their ignorance was, in fact, so profound that they
imagined when a man joined the Army he went straight to perdi-
tion. In conclusion, the Colonel expressed the hope that the
Gaelic Society might, like the Army, continue to flourish.
Lieut.-Colonel Geo. J. Campbell, Highland Volunteer Artillery,
replied for the Reserve forces.
At this stage, the Secretary, Mr Duncan Mackintosh, sub-
mitted the annual Report of the Executive, which was as
follows : —
" The Council have pleasure in reporting that the prosperity
and usefulness of the Society continue to increase. During the
298 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
past year, 46 ne\v members joined the Society— 1 life member, 6
hon. members, and 39 ordinary — and several volumes have been
added to the library. Volume XVII. of the Society's Transactions
was issued to the members last week, and it is one of the largest
of the Society's volumes. It is believed that its contents will be
found of much interest and value. Volume XVIII. is in the
press. The syllabus for session 1892-93, which is now in the
hands of those present, shows that there is no abatement in the
activity of members in the special field which the Society
endeavours to cultivate. The Treasurer reports as follows, viz. : —
Balance from last year, £36 3s Id ; income during the year, £152
13s Id; total revenue, £188 16s 2d. Expenditure during year,
£145 13s 6d; balance on hand after paying all debts due by the
Society, £43 2s 8d. The yearly expenditure of the Society is
greatly increasing, and the Council would urgently impress on the
members the necessity of doing what lies in their power to increase
the list of the Society's life and hon. members. The study of the
questions in which the Society is especially interested has greatly
extended since the foundation of the Society, and able scholars are
willing to contribute to the Transactions, but the Council feel that
they cannot issue to the members volumes of such size and value
as with a larger income they would be in a position to publish.
In connection with this subject, the Council have to acknowledge
with gratitude the following donations towards the publishing
fund, received during the past year: — Mr J. D. Fletcher of
Hosehaugh, second contribution, £25 ; Sir Kenneth Mackenzie
of Gairloch, £5 ; Mr John Mackay, Hereford, £2 2s ; and Mr Paul
Cameron, Blair-A thole, £1. Our membership at present is 415,
viz., 26 life members, 64 honorary, and 325 ordinary ; and the
library contains close on 200 volumes."
The Chairman, who was received with applause, then rose to
give the toast of the evening, "Success to the Gaelic Society of
Inverness." I could have wished, he said, that some one more
familiar with the work of the Society during the twenty-one years
of its existence had filled the chair to-night, but I can assure you
that no one could have accepted the honour of presiding on this
occasion with greater pride or pleasure thairl now feel. With the
general objects of the Society, which are not purely sentimental,
but practical and useful from many points of view, I am in entire
sympathy, and I desire first of all to congratulate those who have
been connected with it from the outset on the gratifying measure
of success which has crowned and rewarded ther efforts. It has
now attained its majority. The perils attendant on infancy and
Annual Dinner. 299
early youth have been safely surmounted. So far as I know, it-
has sown 110 wild oats, but, on the contrary, has garnered not a
few of the precious fruits of knowledge — first-fruits, I have hope,
of a nobler and richer harvest to be reaped in the years that are
to come. This evening we are invited to a retrospect, not of one
year only, but of one-and- twenty years, and I think we must all
acknowledge that upon the whole it is a satisfactory record, of
which the working bees in this little hive have no cause to be
ashamed. No doubt, like all human retrospects, it reminds us of
losses which have been sustained — two espeoially which have
fallen upon us during the year just ended, anyhow very recently.
For, gentlemen, it is impossible to propose this toast without
recalling the name of one who, though not a member of this.
Society, was unquestionably in the foremost ranks of Celtic litera-
ture. I refer, of course, to my late distinguished friend, Dr Skene,
the historiographer of Scotland. There has been no man of our
time who did more for the higher branches of the subject, to.
which he devoted his great talents with such rare patience and
unwearied assiduity. His history ot "Celtic Scotland" is an
enduring monument of his learning and research. A kindlier or
more genuinely Christian gentleman than Dr Skene I have never
known — ever accessible to all, and always willing to extend his
help to the humblest worker in those fields which he had so widely
and exhaustively explored himself. The other, to whom fitting
reference has been made in the report, was a member of this.
Society, and well known to most of you — the genial and much,
loved friend of many — Sheriff Nicolson. If ever there was a man
to whom the Highlands and everything Highland was a passion,
that man was Alexander Nicolson. He may not have been great
at the law — not because he had not the ability, but only because
he was somewhat lacking in other qualities which make for success
at the bar as in all professions. But to-night, gentlemen, we
think of him not as a lawyer, but as a man, and, above all, as a
Highlander. It was once said by Lord Cockburn of a near
relative of my own, whose " Teachdaire Gaelach" is not quite
forgotten in the Highlands, that if he could be dissected it
would be certainly found that his heart was dressed in the-
kilt. The same remark might be made of Nicolson. There-
was not a trace of affectation in his Celtic enthusiasm —
it was genuine — it was heart-felt. You could not speak
to him five minutes without inhaling a whiff of the pure
mountain air of the Cuchullins, which he loved so well. Who.
that have heard him sing " Ho ro Mhorag " will ever forget
>'JOO Gaelic Society of Inverness.
it ? I remember meeting him one day in Princes Street. It was
shortly after the last Egyptian War. He looked as if he was
bothered about something. " What's wrong with you, Nicolson?"
I asked, " Well," said he, ** I want to add another verse to * Ho
ro Mhorag,' and I have been trying all day to find a rhyme for
Tel-el-Kebir, and I can't manage it !" " I am sorry," said I, " but
I can't help you," and so we parted. However, some days after-
wards, he came up to me, with great glee, to tell me that he had
found it. What it was I don't remember, and, to say the truth,
cannot now imagine, but, anyhow, the new verse was added to
" Ho ro Mhorag," already sufficiently long, in all conscience,
though it is hard to say how many verses have been added since
We shall long remember our friend as a truly able and warm-
hearted man, who did not a little in his day to throw gleams of
sunshine into the social circle, and, 4h the more serious business
of life, to promote the best interests of his fellow-countrymen,
whose welfare was always near and dear to his heart. But,
gentlemen, though the retrospect of one and twenty years must, of
course, remind us of our losses, it is gratifying to know that there
never was a time when the field of Celtic study wras more widely
cultivated than it now is, or by more capable hands. This
Society, in a humble way, has contributed not a little, I think, to
the general result. The volumes which record its transactions
witness, in my opinion, to a very large amount of good work.
The treasure house of the past, has been ransacked.
Obscure points in local and family history have been investigated.
Fresh contributions, in some cases of real merit, have been added
to the literature of the Gael, and in one way or another the original
design of the Society has been carried out with zeal, intelligence,
and ability. 1 do not mean to suggest that the work of the
Society is purely antiquarian. Non-political it certainly is, and
I hope will continue to be. But it would be wrong if it were
possible to be uninterested spectators of those movements which so
powerfully affect the present condition and the future prospects of
the Highland people. My impression is that an honest and
impartial investigation of the history of the Highlands, which is
clearly within the scope of a Society like this, might contribute
not a little to the solution of some of those difficulties which now
confront us, or, at all events, the removal of some current fallacies.
To the burning question of the repopulation of the Highlands, as
it may be called, I shall not venture to refer. Meantima it has
been entrusted to a Royal Commission, and may be regarded as
in a sense sul judice. It muct always be assumed that Royal
Annual Dinner. 301
Commissioners are men of light and leading, who are possessed of
a technical skill, insight, and wisdom, which are denied to us who
are but ordinary mortals, and therefore we shall await the result
of their deliberations with lively interest, though, I confess, that it
does appear to me that the)7 have got about as hard a nut to.
crack as could be well imagined, unless, indeed, they begin by
banishing some old fashioned notions of political science to Jupiter,
and are able to devise some means by which people can be
equitably moved from place to place, as you might move the
figures on a chessboard. Be that, however, as it may, we wish
them well, for of this I am very sure, that there is not a single
individual now hearing me who would not rejoice to see the
Highland population better distributed than it now is, and to.
see that population living in greater comfort and happiness
than many of them now enjoy. But what I wish to
emphasise is the light which may be thrown on the present
condition of the Highlands by such investigation into the history
of former times as falls properly to a Society like this. There are
two points in particular regarding which there seems to me to be
a great deal of exaggeration. One is, the condition of the people in
what are called the good old days. We are all very apt, when we
recall the past, to think only of the happiness it brought us, and
to forget its miseries. , We remember the fragrance of the
rose, but not the thorns which may have pierced our hand.
And the same thing often happens in the retrospect of nations
and races. This, at all events, 1 am bound to say — the
improvement that has taken place in the condition of the High-
land people during the last 100 years has been enormous, and
there is no use denying it. The social, moral, political, and
religious life (always subject to certain qualifications here and
there) has been immensely elevated. All along the line there has
been, in my opinion, a decided advance which we are called upon
thankfully to acknowledge. I wish I could say they were a more
joyous people. This I fear they are not, The voice of music and
song has been too often silenced by influences of one kind or
Another which I for one deeply deplore. But, upon the whole,
there has been improvement — no doubt of it. Then, another
point is the question of depopulation. All very well, you may say,
to speak of improvement, but what if there are no people ? Well,
no doubt there are large districts of the Highlands much more
sparsely peopled than they ought to be. Taking the Highlands
as a whole, I suppose the population is not mucii less, if at all,
than it was 100 years ago. The misfortune is that it is too often
302 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
congested in unfertile corners, or congested in wretched villages
and townships where subsistence is hardly possible. I constantly
read statements, however, which seem to take it for granted that
the depopulation of the Highlands, where such depopulation has
occurred, is entirely due to what is called evictions. It is nothing
of the kind. That at a former time there were evictions, often
cruel and capricious, need not be denied, [t is notorious. At the
same time, it is a mistake, though a common one, to attribute
Highland depopulation exclusively, or T would say in the main, to
this cause. It is but a phase of a movement whi«;h has been
going on for years in all parts of the country as well as in the
Highlands — the rural population decreasing and the large cities
increasing by leaps and bounds. In the Highlands this movement,
apart altogether from lamentable evictions, has been accelerated
in a variety of ways. For one thing there has been a vast
emigration to the Colonies that was, to m great extent, voluntary.
Thousands and tens of thousands have transported themselves to
regions where they believed they could improve their position, and
where they have improved it. In Canada, in Australia, and in
New Zealand, arid all over the world, Highland emigrants
have settled down, and by the blessing of God have prospered.
1 have no patience with those who shudder at emigration,
voluntary emigration of course, as if it was an idea never to be
thought of for a moment — a ruthless expatriation which no lover
of his country can sanction or approve. It has been in the past,
and I see no reason why it should not be in the future, one outlet
among many for those who cannot under any conceivable cir-
cumstances find employment or subsistence at home. Then again,
the failure of the kelp trade during the earlier years of this
century has something to do with depopulation. At the outset it
had also something to do with the growth of that crofting system
in the Outer Islands, which is by no means of such old standing in
the modern sense as we sometimes think. During the time of the
kelp trade, a large population was necessary. But when it failed
there was of course destitution, and many had to seek a livelihood
elsewhere, while those who remained settled down under those
adverse circumstances which continue to the present day. If the
landlords of that time had dealt with their people as mere
operatives, the crofting system had never assumed the proportion
it has. But as a class they were kind-hearted men, who did not
deal with their people as mere operatives. They allowed them
for the most part to remain where they were, a fact too frequently
lost sight of. Still, hundreds, and I suppose thousands, went
Annual Dinner. 303
gradually away simply because the work which had hitherto
supported them had practically ceased to exist. And once more
the growth of the great centres of industry in the south, since the
commencement of the century, has tended, more and more, to
draw away the people from the glens and islands to those places
like Glasgow, where you will find a larger Gaelic-speaking
population than in many a Highland county. It was my lot to
minister for several years to the Highlanders of Glasgow, and I
know well about what I am speaking. Year by year I saw that
Highland population augmented by a stream of young men and
women flowing into the city in quest of work — not driven away
in the majority of cases by eviction at all — but simply following
the trade of the country, and seeking to better themselves. The
young came first, and by-and-bye, after they had settled down, it
was no uncommon occurrence for the whole family, parents and
all, to follow. These, gentlemen, are some considerations that
are, perhaps, deserving of greater attention than is usually given
to them. Exaggeration never does good at any time, and it docs
appear to me that there is a good deal of exaggeration with
reference to such matters. There is much in the present condition
of the Highlands which we must deplore, but I trust it is not as
bad, when compared with former times, as it is represented to be ;
and let iis hope that, out of confusion and controversy, a new
order of things will in due time emerge that will conduce in as
large a measure as we all desire to the prosperity, well-being, and
general contentment of a people of whom we, who are their
kinsmen according to the flesh, have no reason to be ashamed.
Gentlemen, I must detain you no longer. I again congratulate
you on the good progress which this Society has made, and I
cordially re-echo the sentiment — that it may long live and always
prosper.
Mr William Mackay, solicitor, in giving the toast of Highland
Literature and Education, said on no previous occasion had he
proposed this toast with so much pleasure as now, celebrating, as
this dinner did, the 21st anniversary of the Society. In other
words, the Society had now attained its majority, and a retrospect
of the past 21 years was, in his view, both a satisfactory and a
pleasant one. With regard to Celtic literature, he did not
exaggerate the state of matters 21 years ago, when he said that no
general interest was taken in that subject. There were a few
Gaelic students working here and there quietly, but there was no
general interest taken in Celtic literature such as they had now.
Twenty years ago they had no Celtic professorship in England or
3(H Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Scotland ; and, save possibly in Wales and Ireland, the Celtic
language was practically ignored in the schools of the country.
Now they had Celtic professors at Oxford and Edinburgh. Twenty-
one years ago they had no encouragement whatever, except from
what he called private societies, to the study of Gaelic in any sense ;
now they had Gaelic grants from Government — which were, by the
way, possibly not taken advantage of as they might be, but still
they were there, an encouragement. Within the lasr, 21 years
book after book had been published upon Celtic language and
studies ; and in connection with these publications, he might say
they had very good reason to be proud of their own Transactions —
of the 17 volumes they had given to the world, to use a big word.
They were very interesting volumes. All the material might not
be of great value, but, on the whole, they formed a mine of wealth
to the future historian of the Highlands, and to the student of
Highland folklore. There was anotj^er thing he could say with
truth. If one took a look through those volumes he would be very
much struck, and surprised, by the great improvement that had
taken place in the contributions to the Transactions within the last
21 years. They had now Celtic subjects treated in a more scientific,
and certainly in a more useful way than was the case when the
Society started. With regard to Highland education, in 1871 they
had the old parochial system still in existence. No doubt that
system was a magnificent one, and one which did enormous good to
Scotland — one of which Scotchmen would ever speak with pride —
but it had done its work ; and in 1872 the Education Act put an
end to it — in the opinion of some of them, put an end to it too-
much. Perhaps it would have been better to have extended it
rather than ended it. At any rate, the new system came into
force, and in the course of a few years they had excellent schools
erected in every corner of every parish ; they had better teachers
appointed ; they had, on the whole, a better system of education ;
and last, but not least, they had a great deal of encouragement
given them by the Government. The new system had its drawbacks.
When begun, it ignored too much what had been a feature of the
parochial system, what might be called secondary education. It
had a tendency to put every pupil on an educational level with his
neighbour, no matter what his talents or business or professional
aspirations might be. Another fact was that education became,,
financially very burdensome, especially in the Western Highlands.
These defects had to some extent been removed. Government made
special grants, both in relief of taxation and for the encouragement
of special studies. The- old Society f<»r Propagating Christian
Annual Dinner. 305
Knowledge had been placed upon another footing, and the new
Trust, as it was called, had already done an immense amount of
work for education in the Highlands, by establishing bursaries for
smart boys, and otherwise encouraging higher education. Now the
•Government were coming in the wake of that Society, and, he
thought, in the course of a few years the country would have a
.liberal system of secondary education. These changes were of
such importance that they had every reason to be pleased. Twenty-
one years ago they could never have expected such progress to be
made within the time of which he spoke. He was not going to
credit the whole of these improvements to the Gaelic Society,
but he thought he could endorse what Dr Macleod had said, that
they had contributed in their own humble way to the results he
had mentioned. He would be inclined to go further, and say
that the Gaelic Society had been one of the principal agents in
bringing about the improvements. It was at one of the Society's
meetings that Professor Blackie opened the campaign for a Celtic
•chair, and it was really under the auspices of the Society that the
movement was started. It was the Society that started and carried
on the agitation for the recognition of Gaelic in schools — an agita-
tion which had borne some fruit in the manner in which Gaelic was
.now treated by the Education Department. Mr Mackay, proceed-
ing, said that it had been suggested to him that on this interesting
occasion it would not be out of place for him to refer to the origin
of the Society. Twenty-one years was a long time, and while he
was sure no member would think of reaping where he had not
.sown, people's memories were short, and it was advisable to put
the facts on record. They might interest future members, if not
the present. In November, 1870, Mr Alexander Mackenzie, now
•of the Scottish Highlander, suggested at a meeting of the Inverness
Literary Institute that a Gaelic Society should be started in
Inverness. The suggestion appeared in the Inverness Advertiser
of 13th December, but, excellent though it was, the time was not
quite ripe, and no steps were taken to carry it into effect. On
5th May, 1871, Mr William Mackenzie ("U. M'C."), now Secre-
tary to the Crofters' Commission, but then a teacher in Raining's
School, wrote in the Advertiser urging that a "Celtic Debating
Society" should be started. This was followed by letters from
(among others) " F. D. G." in the Advertiser of 9th May; "J. Mac."
and " Mealfuarvonie" (Mr Mackay himself) in that paper's issue of
the 12th; and "Caberfeidh" (Mr Mackenzie, Maryburgh), and
" Clachnacudain" (Mr Alexander Mackenzie) in the issue of the
16th. The correspondence showed a desire to have something
20
306 Gaelic Society of Inverness
more than a mere debating society, and the result of meetings
between Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Mr William Mackenzie, Mr John
Murdoch, and Mr Mackay, was that Mr Mackay issued circulars to
such as were thought favourable to the proposal, requesting them
to meet in the rooms of the Young Men's Christian Association on
the evening of Thursday, 4th September, 1871. He also inserted
the following advertisement (the first connected with the Society)/
in the Inverness Courier of that date : —
" COMUNN GAELIC INBHERNIS.
Tha e air a runachadh COMUNN GAELIC a chuir suas anns a
bhaile so ; uime sin, tha e gu h-araid air iarraidh air gach neach
leis a miannach an gnothach fhaicinn a' soirbheachadh cruin-
ucachadh ann an SEOMAR UACHDARACH COCHOMUINN NAN DAOIN'
OGA, aig ochd uairean a nochd (Diardaoin)."
The meeting was well attended ; and, as set forth in the first
volume of the Transactions, the Society was established. Mr
Mackay exhibited certain papers connected with the starting of
the Society, of which the following may be of interest : —
/. Bill of Inaugural Lecture.
INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY.
THE INAUGURAL LECTURE
WILL BE DELIVERED
On THURSDAY, Wth October,
IN THE HALL OF THE
ASSOCIATION BUILDINGS, 1 CASTLE STREET,
BY THE
REV. A. D. MACKENZIE, OF KILMORACK.
Subject — " The Position of Gaelic ; and its value to the Linguist, the
Pre-historic Enquirer, and the Ethnologist."
Sir KENNETH *. MACKENZIE of Gairloch, Bart., in the chair.
Admission— Lady and Gentleman, One Shilling. Members Free. Tickets to.
be had at the Booksellers.
Chair to be taken at 8 P.M.
Inverness, 13th October, 1871.
Annual Dinner. 307
//. Circular Issued by the Council.
" 67 Church Street,
"Inverness, January, 1872.
" SIR,
" I beg to send you herewith a copy of the Constitution
of the lately founded GAELIC SOCIETY of INVERNESS, with a list of
Office-bearers for the current year.
" The objects of the Society are, you will observe, to promote
the study of Gaelic Literature and Antiquities ; generally to
forward the interests of Highlanders ; and to form a bond of union
among the Sons of the Gael at home and abroad.
"A Library is being formed in this town, of Gaelic books,
manuscripts, and books relating to Celtic matters, or in any respect
of special interest to Highlanders. The Council are certain that
there are many books at present lying in private libraries through-
out the country, which are comparatively useless to their owners,
and, in some instances, perhaps never looked at, but which would
be esteemed of much value to the Society. The Council, therefore,
earnestly appeal to parties who are in possession of such literature,
and hope they may help the Society and the cause they have at
heart, by forwarding the same to any of the gentlemen mentioned
below, or to the Subscriber. Valuable donations have already
been made by gentlemen renowned in Celtic and other literature,
and the Council are confident that this appeal will be heartily
responded to by many who may not have yet heard of the existence
of the Gaelic Society, but who, at the same time, are equally
desirous to further the objects which the Society have in view.
" The Council would further beg to draw attention to the fact,
that, with the exception of the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh,
there is no public repository of Celtic Literature in Scotland; and
they consider this a further claim for establishing such a Librarv
in the Capital of the Highlands, which, above all other places,
ought to be the centre for matters relating to the Highlands. It
would be well, when any information is required, either by private
individuals or public bodies, as to the literature, history, statistics,
&c., of the Gaelic nations, that there should be some recognised
place in Scotland where such information could be obtained ; and
the Gaelic Society hope, ere long, to be able to supply that
desideratum.
" Should the funds of the Society admit, a Gaelic periodical will
be issued, as well as a yearly volume containing their more
immediate transactions ; but to attain that object, it is evident
that the Council will have to appeal to the liberality, the intel-
308 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
ligence, and the patriotism of all who are of Celtic descent, or who
desire to widen the gates of knowledge.
" The Council trust that the objscts contemplated will meet
your approbation, and it will give them much pleasure to enrol
you amongst the members. Members at a distance may co-operate
with those in town, by contributing papers which may be read by
proxy at the meetings of the Society.
" I remain,
" Your obedient Servant,
" WILLIAM MACKAY, Secretary.
" Books, Manuscripts, and Contributions to the Funds of the
Society, will be received by the following : —
" Mr JOHN MURDOCH, Academy Street, Inverness.
"Mr JOHN MACKINTOSH, M.A., Rector, Old Academy, Inverness.
" Mr W. MACKINNON BANNATYN^ Royal Academy, Inverness.
" Mr JOHN MACDONALD, The Exchange, Inverness.
" Mr JOHN NOBLE, Bookseller, Inverness."
Mr Mackay coupled the toast with the names of Mr Duncan
Campbell of the Northern Chronicle, and Mr Robertson, H.M.
Inspector of Schools, both of whom had done great service in the
cause of literature and education in the Highlands.
Mr Duncan Campbell said he did not admit that the parish
school system failed, except in the towns, where English and Irish
mixed largely with the population. Referring to the volume of
Transactions just issued, he attached much importance to the
Gaelic version of " William Tell," which appeared as an appendix,
and stated that in its translation Mrs Grant had proved, against
popular opinion, that the Gaelic language was suited for the
rendering of blank verse.
Mr Robertson, in replying for the educational part of the toast,
spoke of the primary importance of education in the present stage
of the development of the Highlands. So far as the Government
was concerned, the amount of money expended in the remoter
parts of the Highlands was astonishing ; and with regard to the
migration to which Dr Macleod had referred, he regarded it as a
healthy restlessness, indicating as it did that the people were
endeavouring to rise above their uncongenial surroundings, ;uid
gain a wider and more remunerative sphere of usefulness.
Speaking of the committees appointed to report upon the establish-
ment of secondary schools, he expressed the hope that the grant
for the object would be increased, and that the result of the
The Frasers of Guisachan. 309
Government's liberal encouragement would be to make the higher
branches of education as successful as elementary education had
been in the Highlands.
Other toasts followed, songs were sung, and a most successful
meeting concluded with the whole company singing "Auld
Lang Syne."
,9th FEBRUARY, 1893.
At this meetirg, Mr Duncan Campbell, editor, Northern
Chronicle ; Mr Alexander Mackenzie, editor, Scottish High-
lander ; and Mr Duncan Mackintosh, secretary, were appointed a
committee to draw up a petition to the War Office against the
proposed change in the dress of the 79th Cameron Highlanders,
according to the resolution carried at the Annual Meeting of the
Society held on 31st ult. Thereafter the Secretary read a paper
contributed by Mr Charles Eraser-Mackintosh of Drummond on
" The Frasers of Guisachan, styled Mac-Huistean." Mr Mackin-
tosh's paper was as follows : —
MINOR HIGHLAND FAMILIES, No. VI.
THE FRASERS OF GUISACHAN (CULBOKIE), STYLED
MAC-HUISTEAN.
Just a hundred years ago, William Fraser, then of Guisachan,
in consulting counsel as to a portion of the once extensive family
estates which he thought might be reclaimed, says — " His prede-
cessors were one of the oldest and most respectable cadets of the
family of Lovat, and considerable proprietors in the counties of
Inverness and Ross." What the Laird said is true, but it is also
unfortunately true that at the present the family is no longer on
the roll of landowners in the county of Inverness ; therefore, while
materials remain, let us endeavour to record the outlines of its
history and descent.
The name of Guisachan, in itself a Davoch land of old extent,
is first found 1206-1221, in an agreement betwixt the Bishop
of Moray and John Bissett. The description of the lands
in a family deed of 1797 is thus given — "All and whole
the town and lands of the two Guisachans and Frigay, other-
wise called Meikle and Mid Guisachans, with the pertinents
of the same, viz., Hillton, Ballacladdich, Balblair, Easter and
310 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Wester Achnaheglash, Gortan-nan-niu, Glassach, Alt-garte, and
Toilour, lying within the parish of Conventh, Regality of Lovat,
and Sheriffdom of Inverness." Achnaheglash denotes possession
by the Church, which of old possessed a great deal of lands and
fishings in Conventh and Kiltariity parishes. Hilton, euphonious
as it is, is but a poor substitute for the ancient " Knockan-na-
crew," barbarously spelt, but no doubt " hillock of the tree," and
what pleasant scenes are pictured in the " Gortan " frequented by
the maidens ? No prettier property could be found in the High-
lands. It had mountain and valley, wood and water, with a
numerous and intelligent people cultivating the rich soil on either
side of its river, possessing herds and flocks.
Thomas, accounted by Mr Anderson in his history of the
Erasers as 4th Lord Lovat, married, when Master of Lovat, Janet
Gordon, niece of the Earl of Huntly, and had three sons — Hugh,
his successor ; 2nd, William ; and 3ro7 James of Foynes. This
i. WILLIAM was first of the family of Guisachan, which lands
he received in patrimony from his father William Eraser of
Guisachan is one of the witnesses to a contract of excambion 'twixt
Mackenzie of Kintail and Ding wall of Kildun, of date :20th June,
1543. Of Guisachan spring the families of Kinnairies, Belladrum,
Kyllachy, etc., etc.
William Eraser's brothers Hugh, 5th Lord Lovat, and James
of Eoynes, were killed at the battle of Blair-na-leine, 15th July,
1544. I am unable to say whether William himself fell at Blair-
na-leine with his two brothers. The contract of 1546, after noticed,
1 have not seen, but the few words hereafter quoted from a
memorandum made sixty years ago by one in whose possession it
then was, would indicate that William was in life at that date. He
is certainly dead by 1556. In the year 1815 Glengarry, who had
heard that there was an old manuscript of the battle in possession
of Culbokie, applied for a perusal. Culbokie's reply, from Balblair
Cottage, on the 12th April, says — " Certainly, I do recollect to have
seen at Guisachan an imperfect manuscript account of the battle
of Blair-na-leine. But really I am much at a loss to know what is
become of it, though I think it must be still in the house there,
and I am to be up in a very few days, and will make a strict
search for it, and if it be found, as I trust, my friend Glengarry
will be most welcome to the perusal of it." Again, dating from
Guisachan, on the 18th April, he says — " After much search here,
as promised in my letter to you a few days ago, I am sorry to say
it has defied me to lay my hands on Blair-na-leine. I hope, how-
ever, my sisters at Banff [Mrs Macdouell of Scotos, and Miss
The Erasers of Guisachan. 311
Margaret Fraser — C.F.M.], who set even more value 011 it than I
•did, may know something of it. I will immediately enquire of
them, and, if the manuscript can be found, the chief may be
assured he shall have its perusal."
There the matter rested, and I draw attention to it now, in
case this interesting document may yet be found extant.1 Lord
Lovat had sons, and the direct line was carried on ; while James of
Foynes left an only daughter, Agnes, who married, first, John
Glassach Mackenzie of Gairloch, and secondly, Alexander Chisholm
of Comar. Through Agnes Fraser the lines of Gairloch and
Chisholm were carried on.
James of Foynes, in the year 1539, had a life-rent right of
Drumderfit, and two years before his death got a charter from
Jai'nes V. to him and his heirs male of the lands of Culbokie,
Kinkell-Clarsach, Dochcairn, Davochpollo, and Pitlundie, all in the
county of Ross. The destination being as above to heirs male,
Agnes did not succeed to them on her father's death. James of
Foynes does not appear to have been infeft in any land in
Inverness-shire.
William of Guisachan had one daughter, Agnes, married in
1546 (contract dated 1st June) to John Grant of Culcabock,
known as " lain-Mor-Tomantoul ;" she in the Sasine on Culcabock,
dated 7th August, 1546, being termed "honesta mulier Agneta
Fraser, filia Gulielmi Fraser de Guisachan," which would indicate
that William was alive. My Glenmoriston Genealogy is erroneous
in stating that John married a daughter of Lord Lovat. An
apostolic license for their marriage, without distinguishing desig-
nations, is in my possession, dated last April, 1544. The Genealogy
says there were two sons — Patrick and John, and that Iain Mor
subsequently married the widow of Erracht (Ewen, first of the race
of the " Boddachs" of Erracht). William left several sons, the
eldest,
n. HUGH, through and after whom the patronymic of " Mac-
Huistean," who, designing himself brother's son of James Fraser of
Foynes, is served heir male, and in special to his uncle James, in
the Ross-shire lands, of date, at Inverness, the last day of July,
1556. From and after this period, the head of the family in
English was generally called " Culbokie," and this continued until
the time of the late Culbokie, though well nigh two hundred years
had passed since they lost the last of their Ross-shire lands.
1 In a manuscript history of the Frasers, in the Advocates' Library, there
is a full account of the battle, which I have since published. From this ic is
seen that Culbokie fell in the battle ; and that the pride of Foynes led to it.
312 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
William's second son, James Fraser, "in Belladrum," brother
german to Hucheon of Guisachan, is so described in a Bond of
Manrent of 1578, and James' son, Hugh Fraser, was the first of
Belladrum, receiving a charter thereof from Simon, 8th Lord'
Lovat, on 13th June, 1598. From Belladrum came Dunballoch,.
Fingask, etc., etc.
Hugh, second of Guisachan, married Margaret Munro, of the
Milnton Family. In 1561 Hucheon Fraser of Guisachan is found
pursuing John Tawachter-vic-Eachin, and Christina, Alexander
Mackenzie's daughter, for the wrongous and masterful occupation
of an oxgang and a half-oxgang of the lands of Davochpollo. Sir
James Buchart, his procurator, appears for him in court, and gets
decree in absence. On the 21st March, in the same year, he is
defender in a process, at the instance of John Eobertson, Treasurer
of Ross ; and plaintiff in a suit against George Dunbar, Parson of
Kilmuir. In the same year Hugh is sflrety for Duncan-vic-Gillies
of Achmounie, and for Catherine, relict of John-vic-Gillies of
Achmounie. In 1562 he is fined for not attending to pass as an
assizer in the service of Hector Mackenzie to his father, John-
Glassich Mackenzie of Gairloch. In the same year he is pur-
suing his tenants at Culbokie, for witholding their rents,,
and warning them to remove — one liorie Allanson being
a chief delinquent In 1574 he sold Davochcairn and
Davochpollo to Gairloch, and in 1581, the lands of Kinkell-
Clarsach and Pitlundie ; getting a charter, however, of Culbokie-
Miln, 1581. In the year 1583, April 23rd, Culbokie and
Foyers were in trouble with Lord Lovat, and had to give security
that they would not molest his Lordship's woods of Strathglass,
nor the Water of Forne, and others, by the slaying of red or black
fish, nor kill his deer, as also should follow his standard. Reference
is made to Culbokie's sons, William, Allister, and Hucheon. Cul-
bokie subscribes, but Foyers cannot write. He had at least one
daughter, Janet, married to Thomas Chisholm, apparent of
Comar, and she is infeft, April, 1578, in the Davoch of Wester
Invercannich and Miln. This marriage did not long subsist, and,
Thomas Chisholm dying without issue, Janet, with consent of her
father Hugh, and designing herself " life rentrix of Wester Inver-
cannich," enters into a contract of marriage with Patrick Grant of
Glenmoriston, who therein bound himself te infeft her in his land*
of Culcabock, etc. The contract was not registered, so that, after
Patrick's death, it was found necessary to apply to the Court of
Session for that purpose. Steps were taken against John Grant of
Glenmoristou, son and heir of Patrick Grant, John "Reoch,"
The Frasers of Guisachan. 313
and James Macculloch, his tutors and curators ; and upon
1st August, 1593, the Lords of Council decerned that registra-
tion be made in their books. She was served to her terce
in Glenmoriston on 31st July, 1587. Janet Fraser was left in
peace in her jointure lands of Invercannich by her brother-in-law
John Chisholm, and had questions with some of the Glenmoriston
tenants. As regards Culcabock, as early as 22nd April, 1583, she,,
with Lachlaii Mackinnon, then her spouse, is called on, as pre-
tended liferentrix of Culcabock, in the Court of Session, to show
her right. Here the first, second, and third marriages followed
very quickly — 1575-1583.
This Hugh, second of Culbokie, alienated all his Ross-shire
lands, with the exception of Culbokie, between the years 1574 and
1584, and died in May, 1587, survived by Margaret Munro, who>
on 29th May of that year, is served to her terce in Culbokie.
in. ALEXANDER FRASER, the eldest surviving son (he being
second in order in the Bond of 1583 before referred to) succeeded,
and on 16th April, 1588, is served heir to his father Hucheoii in
Guisachan. On 10th June, 1589, he is retoured to Culbokie, and
infeft, on a Precept from Chancery, on 23rd May, 1590. Alexander
married, and had one son, Hucheon, and other sons, from one of
whom, according to family tradition, I am descended. Alexander
having sons, the family transaction now to be disclosed was highly
discreditable. Made to describe himself as of " facile" temper, Alex-
ander put himself, on 17th April, 1588, under the care of friends as
his guardians and interdictors, viz., Thomas Fraser of Knockie and
Strichen • James Fraser in Belladrum, his uncle ; Andrew Munro
of Newmore, and others, and granted, tit Milnton, 2nd June, 1590,
a disposition of his whole estates to his younger brother, Hucheon
Fraser, who afterwards got his title confirmed by James VI., 2nd
February, 1593. A more cruel and barefaced impetration,.
sanctioned by relatives, cannot be quoted. Alexander, thus wiped
out of his inheritance, is still described as " Alexander Fraser of
Guisachan " in the service of John Chisholm of Comar to his
father Alexander, on 19th December, 1590. We come next to his
brother,
iv. HUGH. When advanced in life, this laird and his cousin,
Hugh Fraser of Belladrum added considerably to their estates..
The Lairds of Mackintosh had been, since the year 1524,
proprietors of the whole Barony of Drumchardiny in Kirkhill, and
of parts of the Barony of Aird, including the half davoch of
Kinnairies, and the lands of Easter Eskadale in Kiltarlity*
Kinnairies was for nearly a century, from llth May, 1569, under
314 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
wadset to the Chisholms. The well-known Colonel Hugh of
Kinuairies is said by some to have been a younger son of this
Hugh, while others say he was grandson of Alexander, the
third Culbokie. In the year 1616, Sir Lachlan Mackintosh,
from necessity, in his struggles with Huntly ani Lochiel,
was obliged to part with all his Aird estates. This corning to the
ears of Lord Lovat, he desired Culbokie and Belladrum to bargain
for him with Mackintosh. In place of doing so they bargained for
themselves, to Lovat's deep annoyance. Cnlbokie took Drum-
chardiny, getting a Crown charter, 20th December, 1616,
while Belladrum took Holm, now called Lentran, getting a
charter same day. Upon 6th October, 1608, he is on the
Jury in the service of Simon Lord Lovat. In 1620 Phopachy
is said to have been mortgaged by Lovat to Culbokie. Hugh's
name is embodied in the agreement of 1628 for the protection of
game amongst some of the Inverness Und Ross Lairds, but he does
not sign, while that of his son and successor, William of Drum-
chardiny, though not named, is appended. Hugh is one of the
Jury in the general service of Simon Lord Lovat to his great
grandfather, 9th July, 1629. To Hugh's credit or discredit it has
to be recorded that he disinherited his brother, and circumvented
his chief.
v. WILLIAM FRASRR, styled at different times "of Guisachan,"
"of Culbokie," "of Drumchardiny," eldest son of Hugh,
succeeded and got a charter to Guisachan, Kingillie, Kyllachy,
Groam, etc., from Lord Lovat, on which he was infeft, 23rd May,
1634, and on 26th May he is served heir to his father in the lands
held of the Crown, viz., Culbokie, Drumchardiny, etc. He is a
juryman, 26th July, 1640, in the special service of Hugh, Master
of Lovat, to his brother, and again, on 30th March, 1647, in the
special service of Hugh, Lord Lovat, to his father. William had,
at least, one brother (Alexander), referred to in 1636, and accord-
ing to the Glenmoriston Genealogy, was first married to a daughter
of John Doun, 5th of Glenmoriston, and afterwards married
Christina Chisholm, apparently sister to Alexander Chisholm of
Comar. In 1636 Hugh, Lord Lovat, dispones the lands of Comar,
Croy, to Culbokie, who was infeft and had a Crown charter of
confirmation ; yet, it is obvious that the purchase was for
Chisholm. seeing that little more than a year thereafter Culbokie,
with consent of his wife and his son Hugh, dispones to the
Chisholm, and it still remains part of the Chisholm estates.
In 1640 he acquired further rights to the lands of Kingillie,
now incorporated into Newton estate. He represented the county
The Frasers of Guisachan. 315
of Inverness in Parliament, in the years 1649, 1650, 1651 ; and in
1658 he is still found as proprietor. One of his daughters,
Magdalen, according to Mr Mackenzie's History, married, in 1633,
John Mackenzie, second of Orel. Another daughter, Agnes, appears
to have been married three times ; first to Kenneth Mackenzie
of Inverlaul, according to Mr Mackenzie, but this marriage is not
recorded in my Culbokie Genealogy ; secondly, in 1629, to Alex-
ander Mackenzie of .Hal lone (brother to Sir John Mackenzie of
Tarbat), with issue, Alexander, Jane, and Margaret ; and thirdly
^{contract dated Kingellie, 12th January, 1650), as his second wife,
the Honourable Simon Mackenzie of Lochslyne, youngest son of
the first Lord Kintail, and first of the Allangrange family. Jane
Mackenzie married, secondly, Alexander Mackenzie, 4th of Loggie,
.above mentioned, having married Simon Mackenzie, second of
Lochslyne, son of the above Honourable Simon Mackenzie, by his
first marriage, it followed that Agnes Fraser was both mother-in-
law and stepmother to Simon Mackenzie, second of Lochslyne.
Margaret, Agnes' second daughter, married (1st), in 1670, Sir
Roderick Mackenzie of Findon, with issue, and (2nd) Colin Mac-
kenzie of Mountgerald, without issue. William was succeeded by
his son,
vi. HUGH, erroneously called " James, younger of Culbokie,"
-one of the attenders at the funeral at Holyrood, of Hugh, Master
of Lovat, May, 1643, who was served heir to his father in the
lands held of the Crown, 12th April, 1670 He married Agnes
Fraser of Stray. In his time and during part of his father's,
involvements, cautionary and otherwise, of a serious nature
took place. The whole estates in Ross and Inverness were
adjudged by Sir Roderick Mackenzi? of Findon and others.
It was not difficult for the powerful Mackenzie, whose wife
Margaret was Culbokie's niece, to dispossess Culbokie of his
Ross-shire estates, which, accordingly, from and after 1672,
remained with Findon, passing through the eldest daughter,
Lilias, who married Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Scatwell, into that
family. In 1673, Hugh gave a long lease to his brother,
Alexander, of Kyllacby, a detached piece of land lying in the parish
of Kiltarlity. The manner in which this quarter land of Kyllachy
was reclaimed, more than a hundred years after, will be mentioned
later on. In 1676, Hugh is infeft in the lands formerly belong-
ing to Mackintosh. Alexander Fraser, then of Kinnairies, and
James Fraser, first of the Dunballoch family, in the years 1676
and 1677, adjudicated the Barony of Drumchardiny and the lands
of Kingillie, etc., but Hugh Fraser retained actual possession of
316 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Guisachan, dying at Kingillic in the month of June, 1678 ;:
Kinnairies and Dunballoch received charters of adjudication, and
all these lands, like Culbokie, now fell away from the family for
ever. Hugh Fraser was succeeded by his eldest son,
vn. WILLIAM, who, in 1683 described as "son and heir of the
late Hugh Fraser of Guisachan," had a most precarious hold on
Guisachan, the ou\y remaining part of the estates. Kinnairies and
Dunballoch in 1699 transacted their respective interests in the
former Culbokie lands, and Kinnairies raised a loan, wherefor his
heir being unable to pay when the money was repayable, all
interests were in 1711 adjudged. A charter of adjudication
following, was the foundation of the right whereby Thomas Fraser,
second of Dunballoch, sneeringly described by Culbokie as " bred a
vryter in Edinburgh," and by Simon Lord .Lovat in his memoirs as
a "little knave of a Fraser," entered i^to possession of what is known
now as the Newton Estate. Had Culbokie been in a position to
redeem or purge the adjudication, the amount would be a trifle
compared to the value of the share of the estate, even at that period.
Alexander Frasev of Kinnairies, who had then got into difficulties
himself, behaved well to Culbokie, considering the disinheritance
of 1590, for he disponed Guisachan to William Fraser, eldest lawful
son of William Fraser of Culbokie, to which he had right by
Charter of Resignation, on the narrative of " the love and favour
I have and bear to William Fraser, son and heir of William
Fraser of Culbokie, as the apparent stock of the family whereof I
am descended, and the vigorous inclinations T have to raise and
uphold that family," by disposition dated at Lovat, 6th April, 1706,
in presence of David Poison of Kinmylies, Hugh Fraser, his sou,
and John Chisholm of Knockfin. There is a curious reservation of
half the woods so long as Kinnairies or his heirs male held any
lands in the county, assignees, however, being excluded.
William Fraser was one of those, involved in 1698 as being art
and part in the Lady Lovat outrage. Among the Athole papers is
a letter in May of that year, signed "S. Fraser," to the Marquis of
Athole regarding Culbokie, from which the following is an extract :
— " Since I wrote last to your lordship, Culbokie has made appli-
cation to the Governor of Beaufort, and he, upon security of his
appearance at Dunkeld, or wherever your lordship will be pleased
to call him to, has granted him protection. He seems to be very
sensible of his error, and faithfully promises in time coming to be
very steadfast to my Lady Lovat's interest. He gives a very
dismal account of his Highland friends."
The Frasers of Guisachan 317
This William Fraser was succeeded by his son, also named
vin. WILLIAM, who was one of the heads of Highland families
who signed the address to George the First, the non-delivery or
acknowledgment of which was one of the great causes of the rising
of 1715. He it was who received a charter of the lands of Kiu-
nairies, as before mentioned, in his father's lifetime, of date 6th
April, 1706. He took measures to redeem the position of the
family, and paid off a wadset over Mid-Guisachan to Knockim,
which had come by progress to Fraser of Kinnairies, and also
acquired Kinnairies' lands of Fanellan. By 1741, Alexander
Fraser of Kinnairies was dead, and his only son, Hugh, was also
dead, without issue, survived by sisters only, when the direct
male line of Kinnairies became extinct.
William acted as judicial factor in the ranking and sale of the
remainder of the Kinnairies estates. As factor, he is excused
accounting for the rents of Fanellan and the quarter lands of Kil-
tarlity for years 1744 and 1745, in respect that "the multures of
the Miln of Fanellan were, during the time of the late rebellion,
for the said two years, as well as the haill rents, carried off and
destroyed."
A younger son, Simon, described as "in Crochel," is found in
1746. One daughter is believed to have married Fraser of Auch-
nacloich, and another, Fraser of Aigas. His eldest daughter,
Margaret, married Robert Fraser, younger of Muilzie — contract
dated Guisachan, 23rd August, 1751. Among the witnesses are
Hugh Fraser, son to Hugh Fraser of Muilzie, and Simon Fraser,
son to Kilbockie. He was succeeded by his eldest son,
ix. WILLIAM FRASER, who, on 1st July, 1755, is served heir male
of line, and of provision in general to William Fraser, late of
Culbokie, his father, eldest lawful son of the deceased William
Fraser of Culbokie. Upon 10th December, 1756, he received a
Crown Charter (the Lovat family, the former superiors, being under
forfeiture), containing not only Guisachan, but also the lands of
Lurg, and Bridaig of Fanellan, in Kiltarlity, whereon he was enrolled
as a freeholder. In the year 1825, William Fraser, then of Cul-
bokie, was applied to for information as to his family, and his reply
has been preserved. From it I make the following extract : —
*' The fact is thus — My father, when very young, was engaged
with his unfortunate chief in the ill-advised and miserably termi-
nated adventure of the 1745. The consequence was that in the
remorseless and unjustifiable spirit of those days, though my
grandfather was still alive and not implicated, he being possessed
of the property, still the family mansion was burnt, and with it
318 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
all the family papers, manuscripts, etc., were destroyed. The
family, thus depressed, and my father — though after the Act of
Indemnity and his father's death left in possession of this property
— had not much turn for genealogy, so that nothing of what was
lost was recovered or reinstated ; and you are aware I passed my
early days abroad, so that I am quite in the dark."
William Fraser, "younger of Culbokie," is included in the Lists
of Insurgents to be prosecuted, his accusation, " Captain of the
Frasers under Inverallochie," and the witnesses to give evidence
against him were William Fraser, tenant, and Simon Fraser, alias
Miller, and Peter Gow, alias Smith, gardener, all residing in
Beauly, who, I trust, were unwilling witnesses. The Culbokies,
father and son, were homeless ; yet, I cannot but think that the
younger man, though a fugitive, from his knowledge of the
country, must have given great hel^, and, perhaps, afforded com-
panionship to Prince Charles. On 23rd July, 1746, Charles
Edward was in the Braes, between Glenmoriston and Strathglass ;
24th, in a cave, where he was found by the Glenmoriston men ;
August 1st, in the woods and eheilings of Strathglass, till the
7th; and on the 18th, at Fasnakyle. It is not a little singular,
considering the minute details we have of his wanderings in the
West and Islands, how little is known of his sojourn in the Braes.
of Strathglass.
To give a vote to the Honourable Archibald Fraser of Lovat,
Culbokie granted a feu charter to Thomas Fraser of Auehnacloich,.
and a Wadset Disposition to Archibald Fraser, in the year 1760,
redeemable at Whitsunday, 1772, which remained unreealled for
37 years. On his death-bed Culbokie was anxious to get these
deeds cancelled, and his son enrolled. Probably the last letter he
wrote was on this subject, dated Guisachan, 29th July, 1797,
dying two days after. The Lovat Estates being restored in their
entirety, the Superiorities revived, and the succeeding Culbokie
had to purchase his Superiority, when the great sale of the Lovat
Superiorities took place in the beginning of the century. Before
this time, wood had become in demand ; the natural firs of Strath-
glass deservedly possessed a high reputation, and none more than
Guisachan, as demonstrated by the name.
In 1796 Culbokie entered into a fifteen years' contract of the
woods with Thomas Stevenson, junior, merchant in Oban, at a
rent of £160 a-year. As the woods were described as situated not
only possible, but convenient for floating, the contractor, after
trial of the Diag, got out of his bad bargain, allc^iiijr that he might
as well have purchased " a forest in the internal parts of America."
The Frasers of Guisachan. 319
Later fl( .atings during floods from the Chisholm and other estates
created such damage to the river banks of the Strathglass owners
that they became frequent subjects of dispute in the Courts of
Law.
William Fraser married Mary Macdonell of Ardnabie, of a
handsome race, herself a lady of singular beauty and accomplish-
ments, known as the " pride of Glengarry," daughter of John
Macdonell, wadsetter of Ardnabie, and Mary Macdonell of Glen-
garry. This family held a good position, for I find Angus,
Macdonell of Ardnabie as early as 1643, the wadset not being
extinguished until the year 1807. The families were formerly
connected ; for the Glenmoriston MS. Genealogy states that of
the daughters of John Douri the fifth, one was Mrs Fraser of
Culbokie before-mentioned, wife of William, the fifth Culbokie,.
another Mrs Macdonell of Ardnabie.
William, this laird, 'twixt 1750 and 1760, built the very
substantial, suitable mansion-house of Guisachan, which was much
admired, and was for so many years the abode of a talented
family. Mrs Fraser, celebrated for her knowledge of Gaelic and
music, had made a collection of Gaelic manuscripts and music,
which were, unfortunately, carried to America in 1773 by one of
the family possessed of similar tastes, and through his misfortunes
as a Loyalist in the wars his home was wrecked and the papers
have long since disappeared. Culbokie's sons were — Major
Archibald Fraser; John, described in 1774 as Captain John,
thereafter of the Island of Dominica, who died in Edinburgh ; and
Captain Simon. The daughters were — Annie, married in 1788
to Eneas Macdonell, younger of Scotos, and great grand-
mother of the present Glengarry ; Margaret, who died unmarried;
Jean, third daughter, who, on 4th September, 1792, married
John Chisholm of Knockfm ; Mary, the fourth daughter, died
unmarried. Margaret Fraser was long on terms which would have
probably ended in marriage with Dr John Fraser, R.N., described
" as descended of the family of Culbokie," but who, tin fortunately,
happened to be serving on the war ship " Queen Charlotte " when
the vessel blew up. Dr Fraser in his will, dated 17th May, 1798,
and drawn up by himself, left several bequests, and as regards the
-residue, which was of some value, he uses these words: — "And
from the respect and esteem I have and bear to and for the family
of William Fraser, late of Culbokie, I give, devise, and bequeath
all the rest, residue and remainder, of my property and estate of
every kind and nature wheresoever situated, unto Miss Margaret
Fraser, second daughter of him, the said William Fraser of
320 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'Culbokie, to be payable on the day of her marriage, and then settled
upon herself and her issue."
One of the executors, the well known Mr Alexander Fraser of
Lincoln's Inn (" Sandy Leadclune "), insisted that until Miss
Fraser married she could derive no benefit, and the lady at this
time (1802), though she would probably have married her old
flame, was long past all thoughts of marriage otherwise. This
incident, an illustration of the awkwardness and danger of making
one's own will, was solved by an agreement with Miss Fraser's,
Scoros nephews and niece, the beneficiaries in contingent
remainder.
William Fraser, who had long been in feeble health, survived
his wife, and died at Gnisachan on 31st July, 1797, aged 74. The
obituary notice is ordered to contain nothing except that he is
" deeply regretted." He was so ill in February that his daughter,
Mrs Macdonell of Scotos, could ndt leave him to see her sister-in-
law, poor " Katie " Scotos, who had been visiting at Erchless
Castle, and died of what was formerly called " a galloping consump-
tion" at Inverness on 29th January. The younger Culbokie
ordered she should be interred in the Culbokie ground at Kirkhill,
near her brother ^Eneas Scotos. The funeral was on 1st February,
Mr ^Eneas, afterwards Bishop Chisholm, officiating, and attended
amongst others by young Culbokie, Captain Simon, his brother,
and Hugh Fraser, afterwards of Eskadale (see with reference to
this young lady, described as exceedingly handsome, " Minor
Families, No. 3). She was almost a stranger in Inverness, but a
few friends looked after her carefully, and her youth, beauty, and
forlorn condition, excited the warm sympathy of the town's people,
and I gladly place on record this testimony- — " The well-known
humanity of the better sort of the inhabitants of this place was
well exemplified in their attention to her." This description of the
people of Inverness is contained in a letter of date February,
1797. Culbokie was succeeded by his eldest son.
x. WILLIAM FRASER, who, with consent of his father, married
Sarah, third daughter of Colonel James Fraser of Belladrum, con-
tract dated Guisachan and Belladrum, 25th and 26th April, 1797.
He had been originally in the army, and, prior to his marriage,
engaged in business in the West Indies, and was on the way to St
Vincent when his father died. Writing on the 8th June, 1798,
from St Vincent, he says — "You may be sure I have the utmost
anxiety to bid this quarter of the world adieu. I have now eveiy
inducement to incline me to return home, yet, I am sorry to say,
The Frasers of Gui sachem. 321
I cannot make this out so soon as I expected, without making a
sacrifice which my circumstances cannot afford, and which my best
friends might censure."
This Oulbokie was, perhaps, the best known and had the
greatest influence of any of the family. He was a capital man of
business, of active and energetic habit, and, I think, for some
time Convener of the County. Well would it have been for him
and his posterity had he remained, like his father, quiet and con-
tent to stay on the paternal estate. The rental of Guisachan in
the year 1800 may be given, and contrasted with the Valuation
Roll of 1892-1893. By the latter, the total rent is £1596 8s,
whereof tenants, in the ordinary acceptation of the term — nil.
RENTAL IN 1800.
Mid Guisachan— Sheep Farm £70 0 0
Cougy — A Black Cattle Farm 175 0 0
Mains of Guisachan —Do 25 0 0
Ballacladdich— Do 64 0 0
Achblair— Do 38 0 0
Wester Achnaheglash— Do 29 0 0
Easter Achnaheglash — Do. ... ... ... 15 0 0
Tomich— Do. 18 0 0
Glassach— Do. 10 0 0
£444 0 0
The following is a list of the tenants about the year 1810 : —
Balcladdich and Grazings of Cougie — Peter Grant, John Mac-
dona] d, Alexander Fraser, John Macrae, Angus Scott.
Achblair — Archibald Fraser, Donald Chisholm, Roderick Chisholm,
Widow Macdonald.
Tomich — Alexander Cameron.
Easter Achnaheglash — John and Donald Macdonald.
Wester Achnaheglash — John Fraser, Widow Anne Macdonald, James
Fraser, John Fraser.
Knockan-na-Creiv or Hilton — Alexander Macrae.
Wester Guisachan — William Macrae, Alexander Macrae.
Being nineteen heads of families, with numerous cottars, about
200 souls in all.
During his long possession, Culbokie is always complaining
that his tenants never pay rent regularly, that they are addicted
to smuggling, and the " Moulin Dhu " always at work.
21
322 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
In one letter, early in this century, he does not know how to
act, finding, on an unexpected arrival from his ordinary residence
of Achnagairn, that all his servants were niaudlinly intoxicated.
They had meanly broken into a still some distance off, which they
had ascertained would be closed and unwatched at a certain hour,
and carried off in " piggy s " a large quantity of spirits. No
honour, he says, even among smugglers ; and meantime he had to
content himself with swearing at large and smashing the jars,
though his own property. He would not settle at Guisachan, but
rented the house of Achnagairn. In 1806, he writes that lie
leaves Achnagairn for Guisachan, from July to Christmas. Then
he built and improved, without proper precaution for refundment,
the house of Balblair, formerly called Donaldston, meliorating and
improving greatly its surroundings. He was also tenant of the
farm of Fanellan. Culbokie was able to redeem a portion of the
former estate called Kyllachie, first mentioned in the year 1496,
under rather curious circumstances. The description of Kyllachy
ran thus : — "All and whole the Town and lands of Kyi laugh or
Kyllachie, extending to one quarter or one-fourth part of a davoch
of lands of old extent, with the Multures, sequels, houses, buildings,
and other parts and pertinents lying within the Barony of Aird,
Lordship of Lovat, and Sheriffdom of Inverness."
Upon 15th March, 1673, Hugh Fraserof Culbokie gave a lease
of Kyllachie for an undefined number of years, in respect of money
borrowed, to his brother Alexander. No title was made up, but
simple possession had by Alexander Fraser and his heirs until
1742, when Hugh Fraser, dealing with the subjects as heritage,
disponed them in favour of Isobel Fraser, his wife, in life-rent, and
himself in fee, on which infeftment followed. Entering into a
second marriage, Hugh Fraser made a similar grant to Grizel
Fraser, his wife, in life-rent, in 1769. Being in difficulties, Hugh
Fraser disponed onerously the subjects in 1774 to one William
Fraser of St Vincents, whose brother and heir, Thomas, conveyed
to Culbokie in 1797.
It will be recollected that Kingillie was adjudged by Dunbal-
loch, first, from Culbokie, and afterwards from Kinnairies, the
Dunballoch title standing in the Charter of Adjudication of 1711
before noted. Fortified by actual possession, their title became
unassailable as regards the lands situated in Kirkhill parish.
About 1790, Fraser of Newton, who had dropped the title of
Dunballoch, to which place his family had only a redeemable
right, took proceedings to oust Grizel Fraser, life-rentrix of
Kyllachie, before mentioned, who had by this time remarried.
The Frasers of Guisachan 323
Defences were given in for her, and her husband and William
Fraser of St Vincents, to the effect that Newton or his authors
never having been in the natural possession of Kyllachy, which was
detached from Kingillie, and situated in another parish, nor
received rent nor other duties, he lost his right to reclaim, and
although it was admittedly within his charter, still there had been
possession on another title. The process, at Newton's instance,
was dismissed with costs. As Newton threatened to try the
matter in another form, Culbokie, who had now become proprietor,
found it necessary to fortify his title by serving heir to his grand-
father's grandfather, Hugh the 6th, the granter of the lease of
1673. This was carried out in 1800, a Crown charter following.
The witnesses of propinquity were William Fraser, tenant in
Crask of Easter Crochel, aged 75, cousin german on the father's
side, and Alexander Grant, tenant in Guisachan, aged 74, cousin
german on the mother's side to the claimant's father (William, 9th
€ulbokie).
A hint was also conveyed to Newton that if he moved further
in regard to Kyllachy, his possession under the charter of
.adjudication of his Kirkhill estates would be challenged. So, as
regards Newton, the matter dropped. Culbokie, however, some
years after, in 1813, had to defend himself from a process of
eviction at the instance of William Fraser, commonly called
•" William Kyllachy," son of Alexander Fraser, arid nephew and
Jieir-at-law of Hugh, the last leaseholder, who tried to carry on
a, process by means of admittance to the roll of u poor" litigants,
but, to use a common expression, this William had not a leg to
stand on.
Kyllachy has for many years belonged to Lovat, and I have
been informed by Mr Peter that most of the lands have been
planted, forming part of Boblanie Woods, and that the old arable
land is tenanted by William Fraser, Kinnairies, the roofless
remains of some of the old buildings being still visible, situated
not far from Loch Bruiach on its eastern side. Though Kyllachy
has disappeared as an independency, its story will remain.
The Honourable Archibald Fraser of Lovat harassed most of
the gentlemen of his clan in various ways, and Culbokie and his
successor considered themselves ill-used about Balblair. He took
his chief's death calmly, merely writing on llth December, 1815,
from Balblair — " I am come to this quarter to witness the last
duties to the remains of my late chief ;" not a word of comment,
regret or sympathy. His views as to the " new family," the
•" Aberdeen folks," to use his expressions at various times, may be
324 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
best gathered from the following extract from a letter dated
Guisachan, 9th February, 1816. — "As to the Aberdeenshire good
folks, they seem to have entirely cut with me, and I shall take
care that they shall have no difficulty in so doing, though I cannot
comprehend the slightest cause for it. However, I conceive
myself as independent of them at present, as they are of me, and
it will be my endeavour to keep so, nor will I be over-ready to-
make or receive future advances, as I conceive they have behaved
very unpolitely at least towards me. They certainly will have
law enough in hand. I understand the two ladies [Mrs Fraser of
Lovat and Mrs Fraser of Strichen — C.F.M.], are very thick and
great apparently. Mark the end of it. Mrs Fraser, Strichen,
thought proper as she was leaving Inverness on the return east-
ward to write a polite letter to my wife, as if to keep a show of
terms."
Culbokie was evidently much hnjfed, but it was got over
.shortly, and before Mrs Fraser of Lo vat's death, he in return for
attention shewn, did, according to the story common among old
people in the Aird, put a strong spoke into the wheel of the
Welsh Lovat Claimant of that period, 1815-1819. Culbokie was.
deeply mixed up in West Indian affairs, and got involved in
executorships, cautionary obligations, etc., insomuch that in 1833
his creditors were gathered. They received a very large dividend ;
but matters continued unsettled, and harassed the old man up
to his death. The last paper of his I have seen is dated in October,
1842, not long before his death, and he died at Guisachan, 3rd
July, 1843.
He left two sons, William Fraser, W.S., and James, who
entered the East India Company's service. Culbokie survived
his wife and eldest son, who properly, therefore, ought not to be
counted in the list, but I place him as
xi. WILLIAM FRASER. He married, in 1826, Margaret, elder
daughter of David George Sandeman, of Perth, and died suddenly
while on a visit at Bught on 6th January, 1829, leaving a son
and posthumous daughter, Anna Jane, born in March, 1829, who
married Mr Parker.
xii. WILLIAM FRASER succeeded in minority to his grandfather,
and to an estate embarrassed, but by no means desperate. It
was well administered by Eneas Ronald Macdonell of Scotos and
Captain Kyle of Binghill (who had married Helen, Scotos) and did
something to repay the kindness shewn to the Scotos family by
their uncle, Culbokie. That the young gentleman, who was very
carefully brought up, and is well spoken of by Mrs Sandeman in
Sutherland Place Names. 325
her interesting memoirs, did not, on his accession, in the strength
of youth and health, find it incumbent and a high duty to preserve
the estate — " come weal, come woe " — must be a source of regret
to all well-wishers of the ancient and honourable house of
Mac-Huistean.
Lord Lovat received, on his majority the other day, an address
signed by upwards of 700 Frasers. The clan nourishes — said to
number 25,000 — but where are the heads of the cadet families?
Remnants are still found in Knock Voire, but the great districts
of Kilmorack and Kiltarlity know them not j and any of their
-descendants who may visit the Aird, contemplating the past, may
«echo what was expressed hundreds of years ago : —
" Come, Ossian, come, this is no
Place for us. Strangers now dwell
In the Halls of the Fathers."
22nd FEBRUARY, 1893.
At this meeting the following gentlemen were elected members
of the Society, viz.: — Professor Strachan, Marple, Cheshire ; Mr
Alex. Fraser, City Editor, Toronto Mail, Toronto ; Mr Robert Dey,
M.A., Berryhill Public School, Wishaw ; Mr Duncan Macgregor
€rerar, 93 Nasseu Street, New York ; and Mr W. S. Roddie,
Music Teacher, Inverness. The paper for the evening was con-
tributed by Mr John Mackay, J.P., Hereford, on " Sutherland
Place Names — Parishes of Loth and Clyne." Mr Mackay's paper
was as follows : — .
SUTHERLAND PLACE NAMES.
PARISH OF LOTH.
This parish is the smallest in extent in the county, comprising
only 18,042 acres, of which 430 are foreshore, and 4J water. It
lies along the south-east coast, and the Duke of Sutherland's
railway traverses it throughout its whole length of 7 miles. A
range of steep hills, whose loftiest summits attain altitudes of
about 1900 feet above sea level, extends along its inland boundary
nearly parallel with the sea coast, and forms over all its extent,
the water shed-line. The surface from this summit-line seaward
is first, a steep uncultivable declivity, and next, a plain or nearly
326 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
level expanse of alluvial land, fertile, well cultivated, and
embellished. The ravines cut down by the streamlets along the
descending surface, are very remarkable, and exhibit striking and
highly romantic touches of landscape. The largest of these, called,,
by way of pre-eminence, the Glen of Loth, is flanked by the most
mountainous heights of the pai'ish, and it wends its way amongst
them with a wildness peculiarly Highland, which caused it to be
peopled, by the superstition of former times, with many an imp and
worker of terror. The stream or river running through this wild
glen is, in its angry moods, characteristic of the glen itself ; rising
at the back of Beinn-a-Mheillich it falls 1570 feet in its course of
6 miles to the sea. Though almost dry in summer, it used
formerly to be very formidable to the traveller, and, as seen from
the bridge, by which it is now always passable, it still exhibits the
sudden, impetuously rushing, roaring, fearful spates, which once
caused it to be viewed with dread. ^
Not only this stream, but some very tiny rills in this parish,
possesses the fame of having in some brief but tremendous onsets
tripped up unwary travellers, and careered away with them to the
sea. Telford, with his roads and bridges, did away with that
danger since 1812, and the "imps" and "terror workers" of Glen
Loth followed. In connection with this and Glen Loth river,
which, up to the end of the sixteenth century, had no visible con-
nection with the sea, and formed, in times of flood, a large lake in
Loth More, a wide belt of rock intervening between it and the sea.
Lady Jane Gordon, Countess of Sutherland, previously Countess,
of Both well, seeing the evil and the loss caused by the accumulated,
floods, took it into her hardy Gordon head that this belt of rock,
might be cut through and give the river and floods a free course
to the sea, and so prevent good land being rendered useless.
Tradition does not report who was her engineer or what " wise "
man she consulted, but by her instructions the belt of rock was
cut through deep enough to give free egress to river and flood.
The cutting is seen to this day, no doubt much deeper than it was
made three centuries ago, but dim tradition states that her
engineer must have been "a black" for interfering with the
designs and works of a Higher Being. The quondam lake is now
the finest land and most fertile in Sutherland.
The rocks along the coast cf this parish are oolite, comprising
limestone, conglomerate, variously coloured shales, and white and
red sandstones. In the uplands the prevailing rock is a kind of
large grained porphyry, unusually fragile, easily worn away by-
running water.
Sutherland Place Names. 327
One-seventh of the area of the parish is in cultivation. The
large farm of Cracaig is considered the most fertile in the county.
In this district may still be seen the ruins and remains of
ancient and medieval structures, Pictish towers, underground
dwellings and passages, cairns and tumuli, castles and mansions of
feudal chieftains of their day, and several other objects of interest,
to which local traditions have given celebrity, which will be
noticed in Place Names. There are traditions of various battles
being fought in this district between the natives and the invading
Norsemen, near Garty, where there are numerous tumuli. In the
construction of the railway in 1870, near a headland called
Stron-runkie (sron rudha-na-gaoithe), two skeletons were found
lying side by side, with flag stones at head and feet, indicating
them to be those of very tall and strong men, the skulls long and
finely shaped, showing no sword cuts, bones long and massive,
ribs wide and thick, teeth perfect and beautifully set. From
inquiries made, it was found that a tradition existed of a conflict
having taken place thereabouts, in which the natives had defeated
the Norsemen and slain two of their leaders, who were buried near
the shore, and if their remains were ever disturbed, a tempest
would arise that would destroy the locality. The remains were
disturbed, the tempest did not arise, but the injunction and the
penalty sufficed to deter desecration, and tell its own tale.
A battle between the Sutherlands and the Sinclairs took place
near Helmsdale ; another battle between the Sutherlands and
Mackays at Druimdearg, in the glen of Loth. While the Earl of
Sutherland, assisted by his allies, invaded Strathnaver, the
Mackays, by a flank march, invaded the south coast, defeated the
men of Sutherland, who opposed them, at Druimdearg, ravaged
the country, burnt the church at Loth, and St Ninian's chapel in
Navidale, and returned into their own country with a large spoil,
having eluded the Karl and his forces, who returned from Strath-
naver in pursuit of them.
At the west end of the parish, near Kintradwell, a conflict
took place, in which Alexander, the rightful heir of the old
Sutherland line, was captured by the Gordons of Aboyne, who
immediately beheaded him, and fixed his head on the highest
turret of Dunrobin, in fulfilment of the spae-wije's telling him
that " his head would be the highest of his race." A descendant
of this unfortunate nobleman lived in Edinburgh at the beginning
of this century, to whom the Countess of Sutherland made an
annual allowance while he lived. He was the rightful heir, in
male succession, to the estates and earldom.
328 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
In olden times this district must have been very populous, for
it was well supplied with places of worship. The parish church
was for ages, as it is now, at Lothmore ; though burnt in 1556 by
the ruthless Mackays, it was soon rebuilt. It was dedicated to
St Garden. A chapel and hospital, dedicated to St John the
Baptist, at Helinsdale. Another, dedicated to St Ninian. at
Navidale, bunit by the Mackays in 1556. Sir R. Gordon says it
was a place "wher in old tymes ther wes a sanctuarie." The
cemetery still exists. Another chapel at East Garty, built by a
Countess of Sutherland " for her own devotion, and besyd it lived
for some tyme." No trace of it remains. Another at Kintradwell
(Cill-Trollie), dedicated to St Trollie, Trollhena of the Ork. Saga,
Trollen, Triduan, Tridwen, of the Scottish hagiologists.
LOTH.
The district name presents an interesting subject of speculation,
conjecture, study, and research. We have very few variants of it
in ancient writs or charters. All we have in the Sutherland
charters and writs is, Lothe, cir. 1560; Loth, cir. 1567-74; Loth-
kirk, 1640. In Gaelic, it is Loth, or Logh, and its inhabitants are
termed Logh-aich, as the Helmsdale people, Ill-aich, from dwelling
on both banks of the River Il-igh.
Previous to and after the beginning of the Christian era,
Tyrian, and no doubt other navigators and explorers, had visited
the coast of Scotland, and left the result of their explorations in
maps and MSS., which found their way inco the libraries of
Alexandria, then the commercial and literary emporium of the
world. From such MSS. the great geographical writer, Strabo,
and after him the more learned Ptolemy, compiled their maps and
geographies. In Ptolemy's map of Caledonia, Sutherland is
partitioned among four principle tribes, the " Catini " on the
north, the "Carnonacse" on the north-west and west, the "Mertso"
in the interior, and the " Logi " on the south and south-east.
The bounds of the " Logi " were from the " Abona " (the
Dornoch Firth), which name we have still in Bonar, to the Ila
(the Il-igh or Uillie of modern map). The first syllable of the
term Logi is the present name of the district, pronounced in Gaelic
as lo, or logh, and the inhabitants are still called Logli-aich.
What does the word lo, logh, or loth mean ? In Gaelic it means
colt or foal. In British or Welsh, llo means calf. Were the Logi
tribe horse-breeders, and hereby acquired the cognomen " Logi "
or " Loghaich " ; and were their more inland neighbours, the
" MertsG," " Martaich," cattle breeders, and from such a cause
acquire their cognomen " Mertse " or " Martaich " ?
Sutherland Place Names. 329
These appellations, given them by Tyrian explorers, were
undoubtedly obtained from the natives by means of interpreters,
^and were noted in the best way that could be done to give effect
to the sense and the pronunciation of the names by which they
were known among themselves. The process would be the same
at that time as it was centuries thereafter, when Columbus, and
Captain Cook, and other navigators discovered new lands on the
American continent and the Pacific Ocean, and held converse with
the tribes that inhabited them.
The antiquity of the term Loth is undoubted, whatever its real
signification or definition may be. Its proximity to the " Il-a "
and " Abona " of Ptolemy lends force to the supposition that it
was applied to the tribal nomenclature long anterior to the visits
of the ancient Tyrian navigators.
A very probable conjecture would be that the most striking
natural feature in the district might give it its name. The most
remarkable feature in this district is the River Loth in flood, as
previously described, Having its rise in a large and mountainous
watershed, and falling 1500 feet in less than 6 miles, it is
excessively rapid in its flow, and, in flood, the velocity of its water
is simply amazing. From this physical fact, it may be inferred
that the keen-sighted Gael would call it, and name it " Luath
amhuinn" the swiftly flowing river, as some of the Gauls of
France named some of theirs. The difference in phonetics is very
-slight, the long dipthong " ua " in "Luath " is readily transmuted
into the shorter sound of "o" when sharply pronounced. Hence
the river gave its name to the glen through which it flowed, and
extended it to the district of which they are the centre. An
instance of this is found in many places, especially in the northern
part of the county, in the river Naver imposing its name on the
valley through which its course lies, and to the whole district
around it. River names in France have in modern times been
adopted as the appellation of departments. For these reasons, and
upon these grounds, we incline to the idea that it was the aspect
of this river in flood which induced the natives of the district,
twenty centuries ago and more, to name the river " Luath
amhuinn," and that this very distinctive and descriptive appellation
was thereafter applied to the glen and to the district right and
left of it.
A conjecture has been hazarded that the district received its
name from a lake that existed between Lothmor and Lothbeg
previous to the time when Lady Jane Gordon, Countess of Suther-
land in 1575, had the hardihood to cause a belt of rock between it
330 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
and the sea to be cut through, which completely drained the lake.
But the district before her day was called Loth, not Loch.
But yet another derivation for the term " Loth" has been given
in the word " lathach," clayey, miry, in reference to the alluvial
soil of the district. It cannot be supposed -that the natives of the
district twenty or twenty-five centuries ago cultivated so much
land as to enable them to judge of what the subsoil consisted.
MOUNTAINS.
Beinn-na-Meillich — G., hill of the bleating, 1940 feet high
probably so called from the custom of the inhabitants sending the
ewes to that outlying district on being separated from their lambs
in summer.
Beinn-chol — G., Kol's hill, where he was wont to hunt. Kol
was the name of a Norse magnate orthe llth century, a relative
of Frakark, the Norse Ama/on of Kildonan, whose castle there was
burnt by Swein. On the banks of the Black water, in the parish
of Clyne, are the ruins of a stronghold called " Castle Cole," or
Kol's Castle, built of immensely large stones.
Beiim-na-h-urrrachd, more probably Beinn-na-h-onrachd — G.,
mountain or hill of solitude, 2046 feet.
Beinn dobhrain — G., more probably, beinn doireann, hill of
storminess, 2068 feet.
Carn-uain — G., green cairn, an ancient hunting-place of the
Sutherland earls in Glen Loth Deer Forest, now a sheep-walk.
Carn Bran — G., a very large cairn, said to mark the place
where Fingal's famous hound, Bran, died and was interred.
Cosh-ceavaig — G., probably cos-camhaig, an artificial cave, well
built and roofed with stone, leading to subterranean apartments,
which served for places of refuge or sepulture. It is situated in
the west side of the high banks of Kintradwell burn ; c6s-camhaig
is a very apt description of it, the cave of small caves.
Clach-mac-meas — G., a huge stone which a precocious youth in
that interesting period of the world's history, when "giants of
mighty bone and bold emprise " dwelt in the land, hurled after
a foe to the bottom of Glen Loth from an adjoining mountain.
Carriken-cligh — G. carraghan clith, pillars or monuments of
strength. These are four stone pillars, on an elevated mound or
barrow, that point out the resting-place of some leading men of a
very remote period.
Craig a Bhodaich— G., rock of the hobgoblin.
Craig a Bhokie — G., crag-a-bh6can, rock of the spectre.
Sutherland Place Names.
331
These two hills, one on each side of Slet-dale burn, a tributary
of the Loth, form the very close and singular sides of the burn.
These lofty hills are remarkable not only for their to Bering per-
pendicular heights, but for the narrow space that separates them.
Creag-a-chrionaich— G., rock of the decayed wood ; 1294 feet.
Creag-na-h-iolaire — G., rock of the eagle ; 970 feet.
Creag-a-mheasgain — G., creag-a-mhaosgain, rock of the un-
shapely lumps ; 1346 feet.
Creag loisgte — G., burnt rock, in reference to its sterility and
colour of its surface ; 1250 feet.
Creag mhor — G., big rock ; 1581 ft.
Druim dearg — G., red ridges, heights on the right side of Glen
Loth rising in successive terraces to 570 feet. At the foot of
these heights in 1556 the Mackays overthrew the Sutherlands in
bloody conflict, burnt the kirk of Loth, harried the surrounding
district, and compelled the Earl of Sutherland and allies to return
from Strathnaver to defend his own territory.
Meallan liath mor — G., the big, grey, little lump.
Meallan liath beg — G., the small, grey, little lump ; Meall-an,
dim. of Meall.
There are no lakes in the parish, no islands attached to it.
The rivers and streams and promontories will be noticed under
place-names.
PLACE-NAMES.
Ballinreach — G., baile-na-ruighachan, the hamlet on the hill
slopes ; W., rhiw, pro. rioo, slope or declivity at hill bases.
Braeval — G., braigh-a-bhaile, the upper part or upper grounds
of a hamlet or township ; W., brai, the topmost ; Norse, bra, brow ;
Eng., brow ; B. S., brae, from the Gaelic or Norse. It is worthy
of note to see how the signification changes by transposing the
syllables of this word in Gaelic, putting the second syllable first,
as Bal-a-bhraighe, and Bal-a-l>haghad (Balvraid). This gives us
the hamlet on the brae.
Crackaig — G., craic ; Heb. G., croic, sea-weed cast away, or
cast ashore, and ach, a terminal adjunctive used in Greek, Latin,
and other languages, in conjunction with nouns, as Gaol-ach,
Mulad-acb, denoting, having, or abounding in. In Greek we have
similar adjuncts, in -achos, -ochos, -akos, and in Latin, -acus, -icus,.
Hence we take Crackaig to be Craic-ach, having, or abounding in,
sea-weed, softened in the course of ages to " craic-aig." Crackaig
is near the sea-shore, and in front of it is a promontory on the east
side of which is a bay, which is sheltered by it, a fit place for sea-
weed to be thrown on its shores. If the last syllable be uig>
332 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Norse for bay, \ve still have the sea- weed bay The old form of
this word in Sutherland charters was cir. 1500, Crakog; 1600,
Crakag.
Culgower — G., cuil na-gabhair, the nook, or corner of the
goats.
Garty — G., gart, gort, an enclosure ; W., garth, an enclosure ;
N., gardr, a walled dwelling, a court-house ; Ger. garten, a garden ;
Fr., jardin, a garden. There are three townships in this parish
bearing this name, Gartymore, Mid Garty, and West Garty.
Kilmote — The native name of this place is Bal-na-h-ath, the
township of the kiln. The modern name is the anglicised form of
the ancient one.
Kintradwell — The old form of this name was Clynetredwan, or
more probably Cill-trollen, as it was derive-i from a chapel erected
here in remote times, and dedicated to a nun said to have come
from Achaia with St Kegulus, and ^canonised as St Trollen, or
Trollhena of the Sagas, St Tredwen, Triduan, and Tredwell of
other writs, and Scottish hagiologists.
Loth, Lothmor, Lothbeg, described before.
Portgower — So called from the place-name near it, Culgower or
from a fishing village being created here on the evictions of the small
tenants, in forming the large arable and sheep farms in the parish,
1810 to 1812, and called Portgower, after the title of Earl
Gower, the heir to the estates, and afterwards 2nd Duke of
Sutherland.
Slet-dale — N., slet, slight, small, trivial, in comparison with
the great glen of Loth, and dalr, dale, the small dale or glen.
Stronerunkie — This word, in the form we find it, is an instance
of how place-names are frequently " murdered" when anglicised.
It is Sron rudha-na-gaoithe, nose of the windy promontory, a
headland on the shore near Cracaig.
PARISH OF CLYNE.
This parish extends from the sea-shore at Brora north-west-
wards for 21 J miles to the heights of the water-shed at Beinn
Arrnuinn, which divides it from the parish of Farr. Its breadth
varies from 3J to 8J miles, and its computed area is 75,912 acres,
of which only about 1500 is cultivated, 283 are foreshore, and
1110 water, of which the pretty Loch Brora, famous for its salmon,
is the largest. The north-western part of the parish is wild,
bleak, and lofty, the confines of which form the central mountain
range of the county. The central portion of it debouching upon
the beautiful, glistening surface of Loch Brora is picturesque,
Sutherland Place Names. 333;
diversified by the intermingling of mountain and glen, wood and
water, green slopes and meads. The south-eastern portion
subsides into low lands, yet attractive, and diversified by the green
glades and woody hill screens of the loch, the interesting
surroundings of Brora village, the well cultivated arable land, and
the low sandy beach, with a belt of sand hills, verdant and bent
covered. The Duke of Sutherland Railway traverses the whole
breadth of the parish, with a station on the north side of the Brora
River and village.
The geological formation of this south-eastern part of the
parish has a peculiar interest to the student of geology, from the
occurrence in its rocks of a coal formation belonging to the Lias
and Oolite periods, and for the juxta-position of that formation
with granite. The coal was worked here as long ago as 1573 in
connection with salt-pans on the shore. Although vigorously
worked for many years, both these industries failed to be remunera-
tive, and were for a time abandoned till, in 1812, the then
Marquis of Stafford re-commenced operations, and spent £16,000
in opening a new pit, constructing a harbour, and a tramway
from it to the coal pit, and four large salt-pans, buil afc a n
additional cost of £3500, to give employment to the evicted from
the heights of the parish. Yet, though these works were continued
for a number of years, they were discontinued again, the salt-pans
are now objects of antiquity, but the colliery was again put into
operation in 1872 by the late Duke, and 5000 tons a year brought
to the surface. The coal is not of good quality, being, it is said,
very sulphurous.
There are two quarries of excellent white freestone near Brora,
worked for many years for domestic purposes and for exportation.
Some of it had been taken for the building of London Bridge.
This stone is full of petref actions of trees, fishes, and various forms
of shells, interesting to the geologist.
The arable land now cultivated in the parish is thus divided: —
Clynelish farm, 230 acres ; Inverbrora, 210 ; East Brora, 75 ;
Clyne Milton, 33 ; Glebe, 40 ; Kilcalmkill, 60 ; while the rest is
divided umong nearly 400 crofters and cottars, an average of
2 acres each. The rest is entirely under sheep.
The population in 1801 was 1624, in 1881, 1812, concentrated
now around Brora. In ancient times there must nave been a con-
siderable population in Strath Brora, judging from the number of
" Kills " met with, the primitive abodes and worship places of the
Culdee Monks. These will be noted in Place Names. They date
back to a remote period. The parish church was dedicated to St
334 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Aloyne, and a fair had been held in 1630 at Clyne on St Aloyne's
day, but there is no further record of him.
There are several Pictish towns in this district, and various
tumuli and cairns lie scattered over the interior, no doubt mark-
ing battlefields and scenes of conflict, in which the slain were
buried, but their names and their deeds have passed into oblivion.
Pennant had been informed that a tradition existed in the parish
of a battle fought at Kilcalmkill between the natives and the
Norsemen, in which the latter were severely defeated, possibly
accounting for so few of these roving plunderers having located
themselves in it, and imposing their language on its nomen-
clature.
MOUNTAIN'S.
Asca-na-greine — G., ascnadh-na-greine, the rising of the sun ;
965 feet high ; a hill on the eastern, confines of the parish, two
miles from the coast, upon which the rays of the rising sun first
shine.
Beinn-armin — G., oir-ua-minu, mountain of the limit of the
kids, 2338 feet high, no higher could they go.
Beinn-nan-Corn — G., 1706 feet ; mountain of the deer, or
other horned animals ; or of corn, a bowl like cup, from the shape
of the lake below it. (See Golspie Place Names).
Beinn smeorail — G., 1592 feet; mountain of the bramble
berries.
Cnoc-a chrabaich mhoir— G., 1560 feet : hill of the big bend.
Cnoc-coir an oir — G., hill of the hollow of gold, 864 feet.
Cnoc-garbh-leathad — G., 923 feet ; hill of the rough side.
Cnoc-a-ghrianan — G., 689 feet ; hill of the sunny place.
Cnoc-meadhonach — G., 1134 feet; middle hill.
Cnoc-na-leamhnachd — 961 feet ; hill of the sept- foil.
Cnoc raon-na-gainne — 676 feet ; hill of the sterile field.
Ceann-an-tuir — G., summit or end of the tower (Castle Cole).
Meall-coir-an-uisgeachaidh — G., the lumpy hill of the watery
or swampy corrie.
RIVERS.
Allt-uch'-na-bathaich — G., stream of the cowhouse field.
Allt-a-mhuillinn — G., the mill stream.
Allt'Smeorail — G., stream of the bramble berries (smeurail).
Allt-na-seilge — G., stream of the chase.
Blackwater — Eng. form of " Amhuinn du," black, peaty water.
Brora — See place names.
Ghoileach — G., the turgid stream, or torrent.
Sutherland Place Names. 335
LAKES.
Beann-ach — G., suriounded by mountains ; 4J by 3 furlongs.
Bad-an-aon-tigh— G., of the one house place, 6 by 2 furlongs.
Bad-an-earba — G., of the grove of the roes ; 3 J by 2 furlongs.
An Eilthiraich — G., of the foreigner ; 3 by 2 furlongs.
Brora — See place names ; 4-f miles by 3 J furlongs.
Na Glaic — G., of the hollow.
Gruideach — G., strewn with boulders ; 3J by 2 furlongs.
Gorm Loch Mhor — The big blue lake ; 4 by 3^ furlongs.
Gorm Loch Bheag — The little blue lake; 3 by 1 J furlongs.
Tobarnach — G., full of springs.
There are in this parish other 22 smaller tarns.
PLACE XA.MES.
Achrimasdal — G. and N., achadh, field, and raumsdalr, the
dal or dale of giants ; a district name in Norway.
Achnanirinin — G., field of the maids; irinean and irin are
Sutherland words, for daughters, or daughter, or maid. In Welsh
we have wyr, pro. uir, a grandchild. The first syllable, ir, of the
Sutherland word is very similar to the British or Welsh one. In
this connection it may be here noted that there are in Sutherland
many words in common use and in its topography which are
obsolete elsewhere in the Highlands. Is this word, irin and irinin,
a remnant of the Pictish, or a corrupt pronunciation of inghean,
inghin, and nighean, nighin, daughter, daughters 1
Am-aite — G., am-aite, pro. iam-aite. Am, as a noun, in Gaelic
signifies time, season, but its old signification was circle. In
Welsh, am, as a prefix, means round or round about, corresponding
to the Lat. circum, and the Latins and Romans used "am" in the
same sense. Hence in Latin am-nis, a river, which, by its sinu-
osities, goes round about from one side of a valley to the other,
We have the syllable am in Am-an, Am-on, river names, from am,
round about, and an, on, contraction for avan, avon, river, and in
Gaelic we have the same in am-huinn, river.
In the Siamese, am is water. In the Basque or Iberian, ame
is sea, connected apparently with an original meaning of am, which
meant in Gaelic, moisture, dampness ; what Sutherland youth but
remembers the ;n junction to keep out of the dam (?) (damn), mire,
puddle 1 The place Am-aite is a semi-cir uular meadow on the side
of the Black water in Strath-beg, the hills forming the half circle,
the river the chord of the arc. Its aspect formed its name, the
round place by the water. There are several places in the High-
ands of the same name, all of them possessing the same aspect,
and situated on a river or stream.
336 Gaelic Society of Inverness
An Daman — G., the small dam, allied to the last, holding water
hack. To this word hangs a tale. In the 16th century, the
Sinclairs made a sudden raid into Clyne upon some Chieftains who-
made themselves obnoxious to them. The Earl of Caithness
having at the time possession oi Dunrobin, as guardian of the
young Earl of Sutherland, the Sinclairs had less to fear from the
Sutherlands, who, taken unawares, retreated up the valley, and
took refuge on a small island in Loch Brora, taking their boat or
boats with them to the island. The Caithness men pursued, and
coming in view of the island perceived the Sutherlands beyond
their reach. Enraged at this, they immediately set to to
form a dam at the mouth of the lake, and to raise the water
to drown the Sutherlands, which they well-nigh accomplished,
when down upon them came the resolute Clan Gunn from Kildonan,
who routed and chased them away, saving the Sutherlands. Ever
after, this place at the end of Loch^ Brora has been called " Am
Daman," the dam.
Ascoil — G., eas-a-choile, the waterfall in the wood. In old
Sutherland charters, Weskelle, Weskill-moir, Weskelzie.
Badanellan — G., bad, grove, thicket, a place ; and eilean,
island, the place at, or on, the island ; Arm., bad, bat.
Breacachadh — G., speckled, or spotted fieid ; W., brec and
brych ; Arm., brec ; Manx, breck.
Brora — G., lake and village name ; native pro., Bru-ra or
Broo-ra; bru-an-t-sra( the belly or protuberance of, or on, the
strath ; old form, in 1550, Broray. The lake no doubt gave its
name to the river and the strath, the river to the village which is
situated upon it, and the lake itself was named from the eminence
near its end. The configuration of it, obviously enough, is belly-
shaped. It gradually rises from the end of the lake, which is 91
feet above sea level, in a direct line towards the sea to Badanellan,
200 feet high, then as gradually falls to the sea, and a section at
right angles across it shews a declivity towards the river on the
one hand, and a declivity the other way on the other hand, thus
presenting a form in the shape of a bru or belly. Strath Brora,
begins at the lake end and goes upwards ; the valley of the river
issuing from the lake is called Strathsteven.
A Norse derivation has been given to Brora, from Bru-ar, gen. of
bru, bridge, and aa, water ; this must be a mistake, for no bridge
existed here in the days of the Norsemen. The first old bridge
over the Brora is said to have been built by the Countess of
Sutherland in or about 1575, when she caused coal to be dug from
the "cole-heughs" "besyd Broray," and also built "salt-pans." Sir
Sutherland Place Names. 337
JL Gordon states that " ther \ves good salt maid at Broray, which
served not onlie Sutherland and the neighbouring provinces, bot
also wes transported into England and elsewher." In 1601 Brora
" was erected into a free burgh of barony and regality, with power
to the burgesses of buying and selling wine and wax, cloth, woollen
and linen, and all other articles of merchandise and staple goods ;
power to build a tolbooth and have a weekly market on Saturday,
with four yearly fairs, with all other privileges, on account of the
great expense incurred at Brora by the Earl of Sutherland, to the
great advantage of the King's lieges and others." In 1614 the
" cole heughs " were repaired and more salt pans erected. In 1619
the bridge of " Broray " was "repaired and rectified." G., bru;
W., bru ; Corn., bry ; Arm., brun ; Manx, breein.
Carrol — G., cathair-mheille, the honey hill. Carmel, Carmylie,
or Carra-a-choille, the rock of, or in, the wood. Carra is, O.G., a
rock, seen in many mountain names, and those of rocky places, such
as Car-pathians, in Austria ; I-car-ia, the isle of rocks in the Egean
Sea ; I-car-os, in Greece ; Car-mel, in Syria. Old form of Carrol in
Sutherland charters was Curreil. The rock gave the name to the
habitation at its foot, a seat of the Gordons for three centuries.
South side of Loch Brora.
Clyne — G., the parish name, from claoin, hill-sides, or
declivities. This parish, in all its aspects, is all declivities
throughout its whole extent. Old forms, Clun in 1230, Clyn,
Clyue, Cline, 1512 to 1572. There are dynes in Wales, the
aspect of their situation on hill slopes overspread with brushwood,
applicable enough to our Clyne.
Clynelish — G., claon, slope, or declivity, sing, of the other
claoin, and lios, an enclosure, now garden, the slope to the garden ;
W., llys, a court, or walled enclosure ; Corn., llys, a manor-house
surrounded by a wall ; Arm., les, a court, or enclosure ; Ir., lios,
as in Lismore and many Irish place-names ; compare G. lios iosal,
low garden, with Ir. lios iosal, and Arm. les izel, low court, or
lower court ; note the pro. of the Arm. les, not, lios, lish. The
Sutherland pro. of certain words coincides more with similar words
in Corn., Welsh, and Arm., than with the same words in Irish, in
Argyle or Inverness Gaelic. In Sutherland the sing, is les, the
plural, lish.
Craig-Bar — G., the high-topped rock ? 664 feet high, on the
south side of Loch Brora, above Carral. The description given of
it in the " Old Stat. Ace.," 1794, is thus— "A steep and rocky
precipice, fortified with a ditch of circ urn vallati on, every way inacces-
sible, but by a narrow neck of land between it and a neighbouring
22
338 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
hill. It contains eight acres of land, and could be easily defended
against any number of assailants." The probability is that this
rock fortress had been formed by some chief, in prehistoric times,
of the name of Bar, and that hence its name, like Dun-Rabin.
Possibly " Creag-Bar " has greater antiquity than Dunrobin.
Crioslaich — G., limit or border, old form, Crissaligh ; here, in
1589, the Mackay Chief, " Huistean-du-na-tuaigh," with greatly
inferior numbers, attacked and defeated the marauding Sinclairs,
and recovered the spoil they " lifted " before the Sutherlands came
up to his assistance.
Doll — G., old form in charters, Doill, corruption of dail,
meadow, or plain, bounded by a river. This plain, upon which
scores of crofters are located, is bounded by the Brora River. W.,
dal, what spreads out ; W., dol, a dale or mead, through which a
river flows ; N., dalr, a dale ; Eng., daje.
Dalbhaiu — G., dalbhan, fair or daisy white meadow, or Dal-a-
mhan, the meadow lower down.
Fothach — G., a pond, the place or habitation at the pond.
Glas-loch — G., the grey, green, or blue lake. W., glas, blue,
verdant, and grey, a faded shade of either ; Ir. glas, grey ; Corn,
and Arm., glas, blue, green, grey ; Arm., march glas, grey horse ;
W. and ^orn., marc glas, grey horse ; Ir. and G., each glas, grey
horse.
Gob-an-uisgaich — G., gob, beak or point ; uisgaich, waters ; the
point or beak of land at the confluence of one river with another,
not noticed by Joyce or Robertson, yet more expressive than Aber
or Inver, about which so much controversy has so needlessly and
so heedlessly arisen ; Gob, in G., is a bird's bill, a beak, a snout.
In W. gwp is head and neck of a bird, joining into the beak or
bill ; here in Sutherland, with all the imperfections attributed to-
ilbs Gaelic, excels, in this and many other words and phrases,
Argyll or Inverness in primitive words, more especially in
topographical names. The word gob is frequently seen and heard
of in Sutherland regarding the meeting of waters, and whichever
way it may be taken, the meeting of the waters gave the name to-
the point of land upon which the habitation was fixed.
Grianan — G., sunny place, a place upon which the sun shone
longest during the year. The Romans adopted the sense of
this word from the Gauls and other Celts with whom they came
in contact, and borrowed the word Grann-us, the sun or sunny
spot, upon which they built a villa or summer house, and called it
Grann-us, the very same way as we moderns say south bank,
south side, or sunny side in Anglo-Saxon, and from no other cause
and for no other reason. The Roman or Latin name for sun was
Sutherland Place Names. 339
sol ; the Gaelic word for light is sol-us. What is the derivation
of that Gaelic word u Solus," it is "So-leus," light easily obtained
from the sun, hence the Latin sol, solis, and the Greek zeilos,
light, and the expansion of the Gaelic word solus into soillear, light,
perceptive knowlege obtained by the eye, sul, suil, eye, eyes. .
Inverbrora — G., inver, innbhior, point of land at the confluence
of two streams or rivers meeting, or a stream or river falling into
the sea, as at Brora and elsewhere. In this case it is misapplied,
from the fact that Inverbrora is at the best a mile from the con-
fluence, but it had been so imposed to distinguish it when the large
farm of Inverbrora was made from what was of old called the
Doll, and the real name of the confluence was the land beside it.
The harbour and the salt-pans constructed on that land were, in
the olden times, 1580 to 1601, called Inverbrora, but when these
works were constructed and a village built, the place-name became
Brora, and the real ancient name was transferred to an inland
farm, erected in 1812. " Tempora mutantur, nos mutamur in
illis." so do " Place-names."
Kilbrar — G., cill-brathair, the cill, or cell of the brother (monk),
a Culdee, where he located himself on a beautiful site, amongst a
large population.
Kil-calmkil — G., a cell, or chapel, dedicated to Columba of the
Cells or Kills, a very beautiful spot on the north side of Loch
Brora, eastward of the Grianan, at which was a hamlet named
" Sheanval," to be hereafter noticed. The Gordons of Aboyne
held it for 300 years after their introduction into Sutherland, and
by them named Gordon-bush. In 1829, the Gordons sold it to
the then Marquis of Stafford, great-grandfather of the present
Duke of Sutherland.
Kilean — G., cell, or place of worship dedicated to St John.
Kilpheder — G., Kil-pheadair, place of worship dedicated to St
Peter ; this was called Kil-pheadair-mhor in contradistinction to
another a mile lower down the Strath, called Kil-pheadair-bheag.
Pollie — G., place by or near a pool ; here the river Black
water is very stagnant for a quarter of a mile, and virtually forms
a pool, or, in Gaelic, poll ; W., pwll ; Corn., pol ; Arm., poul ; the
very Sutherland pro., N., pollr ; Lat., pal-us ; Gr., pel-os.
Scibercross — G., old forms in Charters ; Shiberscage, Schibris-
keig, Scheb or skaik, Serirscraig, from Sith, a high place ; bior, a
point; and es-caig, waterfalls; the elevated or high place situated
on the stream flowing by it, and falling in cascades to the river
which flows below it at a short distance. Sciberscross is 400 feet
above sea level, the river, a quarter of a mile from it, is only 224
feet. Crossing the Sciberscross burn, 60 years ago, was a danger
340 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
in night time, which only the manly would attempt, and even
with the manly it was a danger that could not possibly be avoided.
Necessity, then as now, had no law. It was the abode of bogles
and elfs and imps of the lower regions.
Sheanvall — G., sean-bhaile, the old hamlet; the ancient name
of Kilcalmkill, and in its immediate vicinity here, without
doubt, was the place of worship dedicated to St Columba, and
near it is an ancient cemetery in which the rude forefathers of the
hamlet sleep, and gone to dust, and where the heroes of those
days rest. The grave of a chief of the olden times was here
opened some years ago, and in it were found large human bones.
It is yet distinguished by four stones and a covering one — " Sic
transit gloria mundi " — forgotten, unknown.
1st MARCH, 1893.
At this meeting the following gentlemen were elected members
of the Society : — Honorary members— Colonel Alex. Macdonald,
Portree, and Mr Duncan Chisholm, Colorado Springs, U.S.A.
Ordinary members — Mr Dugald Maclachlan, banker, Portree ; Mi-
John M. Morrison, Stornoway ; Mr S. W. C. Gauld, banker,
Balmacara ; Mr Kenneth Cameron, factor, Ullapool ; Rev. Thomas
Mackay, Strath, Skye ; Captain Mitchell, Georgeneld, Uddingston ;
Rev. Duncan Macmichael, Duncansburgh, Fort William ; Mr John
Mackenzie, banker, Inverness ; Mr Alex. Eraser, grocer, Tomna-
hurich Street, Inverness ; Mr James Logan, Music Saloon, Church
Street, Inverness ; Mr Keeble, of Morel Bros., Inverness ; Mr Neil
M. Cameron, grocer, Inverness ; Mr Andrew Mackintosh, H.M.
Customs, Leith ; and Mr Hugh Fraser, Foyers Cottage, Inverness.
The paper for the evening was contributed by Mr Paul
Cameron, Blair- Athole, entitled " Perthshire Gaelic Songs and
their Composers," Paper No. II.1 Mr Cameron's paper was as
follows : —
PERTHSHIRE GAELIC SONGS AND THEIR COMPOSERS
PAPER No. II.
DONNACHA LOUDUINN, NO, LOUDAIDH.
Bha an duine measarra so, a Gleann-Liobhan, far an d' rugadh
e, mu 1730. A reir coslais dh'ionnsaich e an t-saorsainneachd agus
1 For Mr Cameron's first paper, see Society's Transaction*, Vol. XVII., }>. l-'^.
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 341
a' mhuilleireachd, oir, tha cunntas agam air e a bhidh na mhuilleir
ann an muileann Choire-Ch6mnlidh an Lochabar. Anns an aite
sin chaill e leanabh-caileig le i 'bhi air a bathadh fo 'n chuibhle-
mhuilinn. Mu thimchioll an sgiorraidh sin, rinn e laoidh do 'n
ainm, " Laoidh na Leabach" a toiseachd —
" Ged a tha mi na m' leabaidh
Cha d' fhuair mi an cadal air choir."
An deighe dha Coire-Ch6innlidh fhagail, tha e coltach gu 'n tainig
e gu 'bhi na thuairnear, agus na shaor chuibhleacha-sniomhaidh,
maille ri Dughall Buchannain an Raineach. Bha e beagan
bhliadhnachan a' fanachd an Gleann-Eireachdaidh, agus o sin
chaidh e do Ghleann-Fonnchaistuil far an do thuinich e gu am a
bhais, mu 'n bhliadhna 1812. Bha e na dhuine diadhaidh,
dleasnachail, a' gabhail tlachd ann an eolas an Tighearna losa
Criosd a chraobh-sgaoileadh.
Chaidh na " Sean-fhocail agus na Comhadan" a leanas, a
ch!6dh-bhualadh air tus anns a bhliadhna 1797, agus an dara
clodh-bualaidh anns a bhliadhna 1833 —
" Sean-f hocail gheur 'us comhadan,
Agus moran do chomhairlean glice,
JS mo shaoileas tu gu bheil iad feumail,
Cuimhnich an leughadh iii 's trice."
SEAN-FHOCAIL AGUS COMHADAN.
Le Donnacha Louduinn.
'N uair a chailleas neach a mhaoin,
'S gnothach faoin 'bhi 'g iarraidh meas,
Ge do labhair e le ceill
'S beag a gheibh e 'dh' eisdeas ris.
'S beag sgoinn do mhointich am monadh ;
'S beag sgoinn do choille am fasach ;
'S lugha meas tha 'dhuine falamh,
'N uair 'tha earras an deigh fhagail.
'S ioma caraid 'th' aig fear saibhir ;
Tha daoine bochda gun phrls ;
'S gann a dh' aidicheas an cairdean
Gu Jm buin iad daibh 'us iad 'bhi 'n d\th.
'S fearr a bhi bochd na 'bhi' breugach ;
'S fearr fheuchainn na 'bhi' 's an duil ;
'S fearr am fear a chostas beagan,
Na 'm fear a theicheas ann an cuil.
342 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Tha 'n fhirinn gu cliuiteach sona,
Cha chron air duine 'bhi fial ;
'S fearr beagan anns an onoir,
Na 'n donas agus ceithir chiad.
Is ainmig a dh' eireas fortan,
Le fear crosta 'bhios gun cheill ;
'S fearr do dhuine fuireach samhach
Na droch dhan a chur an ceill
Eiridh tonn air uisge balbh ;
<»heibhear cearb air duine glic ;
Eiridh gnothach le fear mall ;
Bristidh 'm fear 'tha call gu trie.
Tha 'ghaineamh fhein amis^gach sruthan ;
Oha 'n 'eil tuil air nach tig traghadh ;
'S dona 'n cairdeas gun a chumail,
'S cha 'n fhaighear duine gun f hail ing.
Is coltach fear 'tha ris an fhoill,
?S nach 'eil sgoinn aige de 'n choir
Ris an duine 'thaisg an luaidh,
Agus a thilg uaithe 'n t-6r.
'S dona thig maighdean gun 'bhi beusach ;
Cha dean fear gun gheire dan ;
Cha dean fear gun fhoghlum leughadh,
'S cha tig leigh gu duine slan.
'S math 'bhi siothail anns gach ball ;
(Jaillidh daoine dall an t-iul ;
Is sona neach a bhios gun bheud,
Ach caillidh luchd nam breug an cliu.
Smuainich mu 'n dean thu labhairt,
Ma 's aill leat do ghnothach 'bhi' reidh ;
'S fearr dhut sealltuinn beagan romhad,
Na sealltuinn fada air do dheigh.
Is trom snith' air tigh gun tubhadh ;
Is trom tubaist air na draichdean ;
'S duilich do mhnaoi beanas-taighe,
Dheanamh air na fraighean fasa.
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 343
'Cha trom leis an loch an lach,
Cha trom leis an each an t-srian,
Cha trom leis a chaor' a h-olainn,
'S cha truimid a' choluiun a ciall.
Oha trom leis an fhiadh a chabar,
Cha trom leis a choileach a chirein ;
'Ni a rnheasas aon neach, mar leth-trorn,
Chi neach eil' e, mar thoilinntinn.
Tha 'n neach 'tha gleidheadh seanchais dhiomhain,
'S a leigeas diadhaidheachd fo 'bhonn,
Mar a bha '11 te e thog a chath,
'S a dh' fhag an cruineachd air an torn.
Caillear mart an droch mhuthaich
Seachd bliadhna roimh a mithich ;
Tha sid a' feuchainn 's a dearbhadh
<jrii 'n tig an t-earchall le mi-fheairt.
Cha 'n fhuirich muir ri uallach,
Cha dean bean luath maorach;
Cha dean bean gun aire cugann,
'S cha dean bean gun fhuras aodach.
Far am bi bo bidh bean,
'S far am bi bean bidh buaireadh ;
Far am bi fearg bidh bruidhinn,
'Us as a' bhruidhinn thig tuasaid.
Am fear a bhrathas 's e 'mharbhas ;
Cha deanar dearbhadh gun deuchainn ;
'S gann a dh' aithn'eas tu do charaid,
Ous an tachair dhut 'bhi 'd eigin.
Cha 'n 'eil saoi gun choimeas,
Cha 'n 'etl coille gun chrionaich ;
'S fear beagan a mhathadh
Na sean fhalachd a dhioladh.
'S math caraid anns a' chuirt,
Ma thig neach gu trioblaid ;
Ach 's fearr eun 's an laimh
Na dha air iteig.
344 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Leig d' eallach air lar inn '11 lag thu,
Ma dh' aithn'eas tu d' eallach trom ;
Is mor gur fearr au cu a ruitheas,
Na 'n cu a shuidheas air torn.
Bean thlachdmhor, gun ghniomh, gun ghleidheadh,.
Ge do thaitinn i ri d' shuil — -
Ciod am feum a ta 'an lann,
Mur bi lamh air a cul ?
Pigheid chaileig air bheag ceill,
Ged 'robh feudail aic 'us stor,
Cha 'n fhaod a fear a bhi sona,
Ma bhios i gnogach 's an t-sroin.
Bean gun naire, gun ghlidc^as,
Bean mhisgeach, gun bheusaibh —
B' fhearr dhut cu 'chur mu d' amhuich,
Na do cheangal ri te dhiubh.
Bean ardanach, labhar,
Bean ghabhannach, cheilidheach,
Is tus trioblaid 'us aimbeairt
Dol ga d' cheangal ri te dhiubh.
Am fear a gheallas 's e dh' iocas,
'S e 'm fear a dh' iarras a phaidheas ;
Cha choir do neach a bhi ullamh
Gu dol 'an cunnart no 'n gabhadh.
Am fear nach dean ar' ri latha fuar,
Cha dean e buain ri latha teth ;
Am fear nach dean obair no gniomh,
Cha 'n fhaigh e biadh feadh nam preas.
'S fearr sith a, preas na strith ri glais ;
Bi faicilleach mu d' ghiulan,
'S f uras seasamh 'n gnothach ceart,
(ie d' theid gach cuis gu 'n dubhlan.
Is tus a' ghliocais eagal De ;
Cha dean eucoir do chur suas,
Co dhiubh is math no 's olc 'tha 'd' chre
'S ann do 'reir a gheibh thu dnais
Perthshire Gaelic Songs- 345
Ts fearr an ceartas glan na 'n t-6r ;
Is beag air duine coir an fhoill ;
An neach a charas thu o d' chul,
e 'dhuil an cuid an doill.
Is ciatach gnothach follaiseach,
Ach 's dona coniunn cealgach ;
An rud a gheibhear aig ceann an deamhain,
Oaillear e aig' earball.
Is olc an toiseach cogaidh, geilt ;
Clia 'n ionann sgeul do 'n chreich 's do 'n toir
Is searbh gloir an fhir a theicb,
\S am fear a dh' fhuirich ni e bosd.
Is fearr 'bhi tais na 'bin ro bhrais,
O'n 's e is lugha ciiram ;
Is fearr suidhe 'n tigh a' bhroin,
Na 'n tigh a cheoii 's an t-sugraidh.
Cha toir neach air eigin beairteas ;
'S duilich droch chleachd a chuir fas ;
Bheir gach Domlmach leis an t-seachduin,
'S bheir am peacadh leis am bas.
Na bi eallamh air trodadh,
'8 na bi toileach air tuasaid ;
Ach ma 's toigh leat do leanabh,
Na bi leisg air a bhualadh.
Bi 'n comhnuidh air taobh na siothchaidh,.
'S na bi di-chaisg air bheag aobhar ;
'S fearr dhut amadan a bhreugadh,
Na dol g' a fheuchainn ann an caonnaig.
Na bi talach air do chuibhrinn,
(le do robh i baileach somhail,
'S fearr greim tioram le siothchaidh,
Na taigh Ian iobairt le comhstri.
Ool a stri ri rud gun choslas,
( Jha 'n 'eil ami ach gnothach faoin ;
Cha tig feur tre na clochaibh,
'S cha tig folt tre chlaigionn aosd'.
346 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Tha e cruaidh air duine lag
Dol ri bruthach cas na steud ;
'S tha e tearc am measg an t-sluaigh
An neach sin a gheibh buaidh air fein.
Na bi 'cur na ciont air each,
Ma tha 'n fhailing agad f hein ;
Is duilich neach a rib' 'an slaod,
'Us ceann an taoid aige fein.
'Neach tha gu math is coir dha fuireach,
'Us gun 'bhi 'stri ri rud nach iomchuidh ;
Is trie 'bha call an deidh an turuis ;
Ach 's buidh le amadan imrich.
Is fearr cu beo na leomhan marbh ;
Is fearr min gharbh na bhi gun bhlcth ;
An rud a chi thu 'thogas fearg,
Na dean dearmad air a chleth.
Thoir aire cia mar 'ghluaiseas tu \
Oha toir thu buaidh le farmad ;
Is trie le gnothach mirunach,
Ou 'n criochnaich e neo-shealbhar.
Bi eolach mu dhuine an tus,
Mu 'n innis thu do run g' a cheann ;
Na cuir do chlar air a thaobh
Do neach nach saoil thu 'chuireadh ami.
Na gabh farmad ri neach idir,
Ge d' shaoileadh tu a staid 'bhi m6r ;
A' bheinn is airde 'tha 's an tir,
'S an oirre 's trice 'chi thu 'n ceo.
'S math an gille greasaidh an t-eagal ;
Tha rud air theagamh duilich innseadh ;
'S fearr dhut teicheadh le onoir,
Na dol 'thoirt oidhirp neo-chinnteach.
'Nuair a theid thu do 'n tigh-leanna,
Na iarr a bhi 'g amailt na pairti ;
'S mithich .druideadh 'ch6ir an doruis,
'Nuair a theannas an sporan ri aicheadh.
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 347
Is diomhain dut a bhi 'toirt teagaisg,
Do neach a chuir cul ri eolas ;
Mar thionnda 's a' chomhl' air a bannaibh,
Pillidh an t-amadan ri ghoraich.
Ge do robh thu dripeil,
'S coir dhut 'bhi air d' fhaicill ;
'8 iad na tomha l trice
Ni na tomhaisean cearta.
Tha ar n-uine ruith gun stad,
Ceart co luath 's a thig clach le gleami ;
Ni i stad 'nuair thig i 'n lag,
Us bidh a h-astar aig a chcann.
Ceart mar a thig gaillionn, no sian,
An uair nach miann leat i 'bhi ami,
Is amhluidh sin a thig an t-aog,
Ge do shaoil thu nach b' e 'n t-am.
Ceart mar a sgaoileas an ceo
'Nuair a thig teas air o 'n ghrein,
Is amhluidh sin a shiubhlas gloir,
Us ioma dochas air bheag feum.
Cha b' e comunii an da ghann,2
A bha 'shanut orm 'dheanamh riut ;
Ach an rud 'bhiodh agad 'ghabhail uat,
'S an rud a bhiodh uat a thoirt dhut :
Nach b' e siud an comunn saor 1
'S cha b' e comunn nam maor mu 'n chlar ;
B' e 'n comunn-sa 'bhi toirt a null,
'S cha chomunn ach null 's a nail.
Ma 's nor gach sean fhocal,
A labhradh le luchd geire ;
Bheir foid brcithe agus bais
Duine air atha 's air eigin.
DONNACHA MAC-DHIARMAID.
Bha an dhuine so ro-fheumail na latha, leis an taland
chiuil a bh' aige. Cha robh gleann no srath an Siorrachd
Phe lirt, ach gann, amis nach robh e a' cumail sgoil-sheinn. Ged a
1 tomachan. 2 Math-fhaoidte, do-ghann, neo-ghann, ueo-phairteachail.
348 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
bha fradharc a shul ga dhith, cha robh rathad m6r 's an duthaich,
no sraid 's a bhaile-mhargaidh nach siubhladh e, gun sgath, gun.
sgiorradh. Kugadh e 'an Acheasain an Gleann-Dochard, ran 'nv
bhliadlma 1798. Mu 1850 chaidh e do Dhuneidinn, far an do-
ph6s, agus an do thuinich e. Sheinn Donnacha an t-oran a leanaa
aig dinneir eireachdail a chaidh thoirt seachad, an taigh-osda —
Dhrochaid-Choinneachain, mar 6nair do dh' Fear Phort-an-Eilein —
OUAN 1)0 FHEAR PHORT-AN-EILEIN TAOBH LOCH TEAMHAIL.
Le Donnacha Mac-Dhiarmaid.
'S i so deoch slaint an armuinn,
'S gun ol sinn i le failte ;
Mac-Dhiarmaid fear Bho-thaluidh,
Tha 'n drasta anns a Phort,
A shiol nam Baran prlfeeil
A chleachd a bhi 'n Gleannliobhan,
Na sair dhaoin' uailse siobhailte,
Nach striochdadh anns an trod.
B' e sid am fior dhuin nasal,
'S gach faillein 'tha ris fuaighte ;
Cha chualas bonn de 'bhruaidhlean,
Ach suairc, 'us dileas ceart ;
An fhiorfhuil ghlan, gun truaille,
'8 an fhine bho na bhuaint' 'thu ;
'S gur ioma fiuran nasal
A thainig uat a mach.
Thaobh eile, bho do mhathair,
Cha 'n fhaod mi fanachd samhach,
Ach labh'ram air na h-armuinn
A b' abhaist 'bhi 's a Phort ;
Na Stiubhartaich gu cmnteach,
Do chinneadh math nan righrean,
A bh' againn ioma linn,
Anns an rioghachd so le ceart.
'S a' thaobh do cheile ph6sda,
Gu'n dean mi beagaii comhraidh,
'S bean uasal i 'tha sonraicht',
'Us coir aic' air le ceart ;
A thaobh an teaghlaich uasail,
'S an stoc 'ud as 'n do bhuaint' iad ;
Tigh Fas, 'tha cliuiteach fiachail,
Bho '11 chiad fhear thain' a mach.
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 349
Nach fhaic sibh 'n t-oigfhcar sunndach,
Tha againn anns an rum dhiubh,
Gur m6r am meas 's an cliu do
Ar duthaich e 'bhi ami ;
Tha 'riaghladh, tairis, ciallach,
Gu turail, aoidheil, fialaidh ;
Le thargaid, 'us le sgiath,
Gu ar dionadh o gach namh.
Tha Fas 'us Seastal 'd' staoile,
'S a bharr air sin 'na d' oighreaehd ;
'S tu 'n leomhan sgairteil loinneil ;
'S tu 'n saighdear amis gach cas ;
;S nan tigeadh namhaid streupail,
A bhagairt oirnn le eucoir,
Ou 'n tugadh tusa beum dha,
'S le creuchdan bhidh e leoint'.
Gur caomh an am na sith thu,
'8 gur garg an am na stri thu,
Gur daoimein amis gach tir thu,
'S na miltibh ort an toir ;
Gur laoch fearail, treun, thu,
'Nuair chuireadh tu 'm bogh'-grein oirr',
Gu 'm biodh i ami ad reir sa,
'Nuair labhradh tu gu stoild'.
'S tu 'm fiuran flat-hail, finealt,
'S tu ceist, us gradh, nan nionag,
'8 tu' bheireadh dhaibh toilinntinn,
'Nuair tharladh tu nan coir ;
Ach guidheam ceile uasal,
•Gu grad a bhi riut fuaighte,
Le fearrunn 's airgiod f uasgailt,
'Us buaidhean bhanail, choir.
Ach a Bharain mhoir Bho-thaluulh,
'S ami 'their mi fhathast pairt riut,
Bho '11 's tu Ceann-cinnidh araid,
Is fhearr learn thu 'bhi ami ;
'S a thaobh nam fiuran aluinn,
A sheasas leat gu laidir,
:8 toilintinn h-uile la dhuinu,
Na h-armuinn air ar ceann.
350 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'Chlann Dhiarmaid bidhibh siochail,
'S na togaibh dhasan mi-thlachd ;
Ach gluaisibh anus an fhirinn,
'S air cridhe rioghail glan ;
< )'n 's c 'n Ceann-cinnidh fior-mhaith,
A th' againn aims an tiom so ;
\S 'mbac oighrc bidb dhuinn dileas ;
:S mis db' fhaodadh innse 'n nochd.
An t-oighre 's e gu clnnteach,
Ard lighiche na tire,
An t-oigfhear smiorail, riomhach ;
'S gur grinn learn cainnt a bheoil,
A cbron cba'n 'eil ri aireamh,
(.) cbul a cbinn gu 'sl^iltean,
Lo aghaidh fhlathail, aillidh,
A thaladh nain ban 6g.
Tha baintigliearn' 6g 's an tir so,
'S i cireachdail thair mbiltibb,
'S bu mbaitb loam i 'riut sinte,
Air oh hint' a bharain oig ;
'S i sin J//.s.<« Emlidb Stiubhart,
l)e n teaghlach ''ud 'bba cliuiteacb,
An fhior bbean nasal iulnibor,
'S gacb giulain air gacb doigb.
Hidh 'n tanaistear na clhion duinn,
( )'n fhuair e staigb <lo 'n riaghailte :
Tha cumail ccart ns siotbaimb,
Us ciosnacbadh na riogb'chd,
'S gu'n cuir e romhaiim seoladb,
?N nair 'theid sinn tbnn na corach,
A bbeir dhuinn moran eolais,
Us foghlimi aims gach ni.
Tha maighstir Rob. an drasta,
Air faotuinn urram staiteil,
'S gur toileachas gu brath dhuinn,
An radh a thain' an nail,
Gu'n choisinn e buaidh-larach,
Aig cruinneachadb nan Oaidheal,
Thug sid mor mheas 'us ciatacbd,
Do chlann Diarmad aims an am.
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 351
Am fiuran sin is oige,
Nis guidheam sonas mor dha,
Le onair, agus morchuis,
'Us foghlum aims gach tiom,
Nis bidh mi criochnach m' orain,
'S cha tug mi leth n' is coir dhonih,
Do'n chuideachd chridheil, choir sin,
Thug solas dhomh nach gann.
ROB MAC-DHUGHAIL.
Tha m6r-mheas agam air gne-bhardachd an Ughdair so. Tha i
soilleir, siubhlach, neartmhor. Bu mhac e do dh' Alastair Mac-
Dhughail, a bha na thuathanach 'am Braigh-Fasaidh. Chaidh e
do dh' Australia mu'n bhliadhna 1843, far an do ghabh e tuineachas
mu cheithir mile bho Mhelbourn. Bhiodh e aig an am sin, a reir
iomraidh, mu dha fhichead bliadhna 'dh 'aois.
COMUNN NA STUAMACHD.
Le Rob Mac-Dhughaill.
Seisd — Buaidh le conmnn mo ghaoil !
Piseach air com mm mo ghaoil !
0 ! soirbheachadh math leis a chomunn
A chuir an droch obair ma sgaoil.
Gu'n tuigeadh an leughadair suairce,
An comunn a luaidh mi am rann ;
'S e comunn fior ghasda na Stuamachd,
Mu'n togainn mo dhuan aims an am
An comunn a dh' eulaidh mu thuath oirnn'
Feadh ghlacagan uaigueach nan gleann,
A' leasachadh cleachdaidh na ttiath-cheairnn,
'S a cheartachadh gluasaid nan Claim.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Tha 'n Comunn so urramach, feumail,
A chasgadh gach eucoir 'us go ;
'S thoirt caochlaidh ro rnhathasach ceutaeh,
Air abhaist mi-cheillidh nan slogh ;
Am fear a bha 'n uiridh le daoirich,
Na shineadh 's an aolach gun treoir,
Tha 'm bliadhna, air fhein 's air a theaghlach,
Le 'aran 's le 'aodach a foir.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
352 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'S a bhean a bha 'n uiridh gle dhiumach
'S lc bochduinn fo thuirse 's fo bhr6n,
Tha 'm bliadhna gu h-aighearach, muirneacli,
'S am pailteas mu turlach de Ion.
0 'n 'mhosgail fear tighe o 'dhusal,
'S a dh' fhosgail a shuilean o ch!6 ;
'S a dh' eirich gu farrumach, siirdail,
Mar dhuine as-ur a' tigh'nn beo.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
0 'n threigeadh leo cuideachd dhroch dhaoine,
'S an coluadar baobhail gun tur ;
Fhuair fuasgladh a aimbeart an t-saoghail,
'Us mhothaich iad saorsadh as-ur.
Faic 'nis iad gu h-aithreachail geamnuidh,
" 'G ath-cheannach' na h^aimsir" le sg ohm ;
'S 'toirt eiseamplair 's airidh a leanmhuinn,
Le 'n oibribh 's le 'n sean'chas do 'n cloinn.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Gu'm b'ionmholt' gu'n teagamh 's bu chliuiteack
An gradh chuir air tus e air bonn ;
Gradh dian nach robh farasd a mhuchadh,
'Las cridheachan iulmhor nan sonn ;
Le curam mu an'ma neo-bhasmhor,
A thearnadh gu brath 's a chuir saor ;
Ged their a chuid mhor de na phrabar,
" Cha 'n 'eil iad ach 'sabhal am maoin."
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Is ainmeil am ball deth 's is fheumail,
An sagart 'tha 'n Eirionn ud thall ;
Bu bhuannachdail sealbhach do cheudaibh,
A chuairt 'thug an treun-laoch a nail ;
Thug Mattheiv math, ioniadh fear dalma,
A' purgadoir gailbheach an oil ;
• Chuir an sagart so comaiu air Alba,
Ged dhiult e 's a charbhas 'dhi fe6il.
Buaidh le Mattheiv an laoch, etc.
Gur fhada 'bhios cuimhn' agus luaidh, air
A bhall sin deth, Ruairidh l nan glonn ;
A theann ris 's na h-eileanaibh tuathach,
'S a sgaoil e gu buadhach 'n ar fonn ;
Mi- Kuuiridh Macleoid, ministear an t-soisgeil, 'an Ceaun-loch-Sniosart 't- an
Eilean Sgiathanach.
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 353
la dileas 's is gaisgeil an fhianuis
E, ged a bha iarmad gun cheill ;
A feuchainn ri 'sgaradh o 'n fhion-lios,
Mar mheangan de chrionuich gun fheum.
Buaidh le Ruairidh mo ghaoil, etc.
Ana fear a ghabh aisling neo-bhrioghar,
Nach bi e ga h-innseadh gach la ;
Ach e-san ghabh focal na firinn,
Sior sheasadh e dileas do ghna ;
Ciod e, an droch mholl do na chruinneachd 1
No ciod e, an cruinneachd do 'n mholl ?
'N teid daoine glan stuama 'nan cuideachd,
Is daoraich gan luidreadh 's a pholl 1
Cha teid : oir gu deimhinn is leir dhuinn,
An caochla 'th air beusaibh an t-sloigh
O'n thuig iad da rireadh gu 'm b' fheumail,
'Bin diteadh 's a seunadh na p6it ;
Na misgearan mosach le athadh
Cha tog, air an latha, an siiil :
Mu 's fheudar <>u 'n caisg iad am pathadh,
'S .-inn dh' eigheas iad searrag do chuil.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Mo thruaighe ! air-son luchd nan taigh-osdti,
Tha cusbair an dochuis 'dol eug
Cha'n ioghna iad 'chasadh an sron rinn,
'ri bhi 'g aithris droch sgleo oirnn 'us bhreug —
O 'n thachair do chomunn na Stuamachd,
Bhi se6ladh an t-sluaigh air deagh cheum ;
Chaill moran diubh " dochas am buannachd."
'S cha 'n fhaigh iad na dh' fnuasglas am feum.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
AN II. CUID.
0 ! c'ait a bheil obair cho suarach,
Ri suidhidh mu 'n cuairt air a bhord !
An conaltradh dana ri tuaileas,
Ri brionnal mi-chuannta ag 61 ;
Co-fharpais gun tlachd agus buaireas
Mu dheireadh a' bualadh nan dorn ;
'S a mionnachadh, 'chaoidh nach duin-uasal :
An siachair nach sguab leis a chorn 1
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
23
354 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Fear riichdail an leth-oir na luatha,
Fear eile 'na shuacan air st61 —
Fear 'bruchdail 's a sgeitheadh rau 'n chuaiche.
'S fear eile 'toirt fuaim air a che61 ;
An namhaid gu ailghios ri lua'ghair,
Cha 'n iarr e ceol-cluaise ni 's fheaiT ;
'M feadh dh'fhanas an cogaisean suaimlmeach,
Oir tha iad gu luath a dol cearr.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
'S a mhaduinn an am dhoibh sud dusgudh,
'S neo-aoidheil an gnuis 'us am fiamh ;
lad anshocrach, acaineach, ciiirta
Trom, airsneulach, bruite nan cliabh;
Cha chluinnear o'n slugan ach carsan,
Oir theirig an tabhachd 'g^rui cli ;
Cha ghabh 'us cha'n fhulling biadh laidir
Cha fhreagair d' an caileachd ach tea.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Nach anabarrach meallta am bruadar,
Bha 'n eanchainnibh luaincach nan Gael ;
'N uair mheas iad an carraid 's an tuasaid
'An cuideachaibh truaillidh nam bal.
Mar ghaisge, mar nrram, 's mar chruadal,
Bha dhoibhsai? tin* dhualach 's an stri ;
Nach ioghna' uach tuigeadh na truaighain,
Ciod e chuir an t-uabhar 'nan cri.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Ach 'nis bheir an Comunn so buaidh orr',
'Us treigidh am fuath 'us am fraoch ;
Cha Jn fhaicear tuill' eabar mu ghuaillibh,
No sgrioba mu ghruaidhibh nan laoch ;
Cha bhi fear-na-toiseachd an uachdar,
A' cur nan daoin' uaillse fo shail ;
Bi'dh iadsan gu ceannalta, suairce,
'Us paidhidh an tuath dhoibh na mail.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Cha 'n fhaicear fir choire na stuaime,
Ni 's mo aig luchd druaibe an sas ;
Mu ;s eiginn gu'n iarr iad 'bheag uatha,
Leo iocar a luach dhoibh gun dail ;
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 355
Dh' fhalbh cosnadh nan earraide crosda,
'Bha fiaradh, le brosgal 'an rod ;
Chaill iadsan an greim bh' ac de 'n cusbair,
'S cha chluinnear an gusgal 's a mh6d.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Ach sibhse 'chuir Comunn na Stuamachd,
An aidbheil caoin-shuarach, 's an n6s ;
Tha raise 'g radh ribh anns an uair so,
•Gii bheil sibh 'na 'r truaillidheachd fos ;
Cha dan 'us cha nar leam 'bhi 'g mnseadh
Gu 'n tug sibh do fhlreantachd fuath ;
Oir dearbhar gu beachdaidh o '11 fhirinn
'Ur cleachdaidh 's 'ur h-inntinn 'bhi tual.
Buaidh le Comunn, etc.
Nach soilleir ri leughadh 's a Bhiobul,
'S na briathraibh a sgriobhadh le Pol ;
Nach sealbhaich luchd-misg' agus mi-ghniomh,
'Chaoidh cuibhrinn an rioghachd na gloir !
<*ur ann a tha 'n an'ma fo 'n diteadh,
'S gu 'm bi iad gu dillinn 'an truaigh !
'S nach 'eil aig an corpaibh do shiochaint,
Ach fhad 's 'bhios iad sinnte 's an uaigh !
:S truagh gum bitheadh clann-daoin,
Struigheadh an an'ma 's am maoin !
Nacli neartaicheadh lamhan a' Ckomuinn,
'S gu'n cuireadh droch obair cho faoin !
Nach treigeadh os-aird 'us os-iosal,
Na doigheana millteach gun agh !
Bha measail na latha aig Dives,
'S a threoraich na milte gu cradh !
Nach aonadh ri Comunn nam firean, .
'S an spiorad 's am firinn, ri 'n ceann ;
An caraid tha tairis 'us dileas,
'S gu suthainn nach diobair am fann ;
los an Slanuighear caomh,
Cia mor a ghradhaich an saogh'l,
'Nuair thainig e 'shaoradh a phobuill 1
'S a dhaingoeachadh Comuinn nan Naomh.
356 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
DONULL MAC-FHEARGHAIS.
Rugadh Donull Mac Fhearghais aim an Sgireachd Lagan-rait,
mu'n bhliadhna 1802. Bha e na mhaighstir-sgoile car moran
bhliadhnachan aig Dail-charn mu she mile o Dhunchaillinn. An
deigh dha an t-aite sin fhagail bha e 'cumail sgoile as a leth fein,
aig Dunchaillinn mu'n cuairt do dha bhliadhna ; agus o sin,
chaidh e-fhein, 's a bhean 's a theaghlach do dh' Australia.
COMH-CHRUINNEACHADH FIR AT.HALL A DH' FHAILTEACHD JNA BAN-RIGH,
ANN AN DUN-CHAILLINN 's A BHLIADHNA 1842.
Le Donull Mac Fhearghais.
A' boillsgeadh gu tla-gheal tha dearsadh na greine,
Le ailleachd na maduinn' a' failteach' an la ;
Tha 'choisridh le 'n ribheid o dhoimhneachd na coille,
Air fann-ghaoth a' ghlinne a taomadh an dain :
Tha ard-bheann 'us creag-bheallach le iolach 'us bas-bhualadh,
Gach tulach, gach comhnard 'us coire fad' reidh,
Nochdadh furain 'us failte, le buaidh-aithris na Gaeltachd,
'S mac-talla gu siubhlach co-fhreagairt do 'n sgeul.
'S ro aoibhneach an la a dhealraich air Athall —
La' aluinn cian-ainmeil, 'an eachdraidh r' a luaidh,
Tha Ban-righ Victoria, priomh-uachdran na cruiune,
Air astar le h-Ailbeart 'an Albainn rnu thuath :
Beannachd ga d' leanntain dlu, aon chuspair gach cri' 's gach sul,.
Gach solas, 's gach mathas a' feitheamh do chuairt ;
Tha togradh nam miltean 'guidhe piseach a' chaoidh dhuibh,
'Charaid rioghail a' ghraidh, na boidhchid 's nam buadh.
Athall mo ghraidh, mo chearn-bhreth thu 's mo dhachaidh,
Craobh-sgaoilidh do dhilseachd gu h-ard feadh gach iall ;
Gu dilinn bi'dh luaidh air la faiche Dhun-Chaillinn
'S co-chriiinneach' nam fine le ceanaltas fial ;
Le annsachd tha clann nan Gael, gu coitcheann le cridhibh blath,
Am balachan na mhear-lai', 's an t-aosda air liath' —
An ribhinn is aillidh snuadh, 's an t-6igear deas, smearail, cruaidh,
Chum ionad na coinneimh le dealas a' triall.
Cha sealladh gach la 'tha an tras air a thaisbean',
Cha 'nuallan la-feille '"tha togail an sgeul ;
Tha na fine a mach fo cheannsal 'n cinn-feadhna,
Seall' is aillidh an diugh fo ghorm-bhrat nan speur :
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 357
Tha uil' ghreadhnachas naduir, 's uile shuaicheantas ard-thir,
Air ard-ghleus gu h-aghmor, 's a phiob'reachd a' seid ;
Tha 'n luath-ghair a' meudach 's an ait-ioilach ag eiridh —
Tha bhan-righ 's an astar 'an carbad nan steud.
Failt' air na laoich — mile failte 'us buaidh dhoibh,
}Tha teachd le Gleann-Libheann o gharbhlach nani beann,
Le targaid 'us claidheamh 'us cath-thuath Lochabar,
'S an snasadh mar eilid a' frith-leum 's a ghleann
Tha gaisgich Shrath-Mairidh, Shrath-Teimheil, 's Bhraigh-Athall,
Shrath-Arduil, Shrath-Tadha, Thulaich-mhaite 's Dhail-charn,
'Gu deas uidheamaicht,' 6rdail, 'glacadh geur air' na codhail —
'San t-ard-fhlath Dun-blathain, 's Claim- Fhionnlaidh Bhraigh-mhar.
Tha' Bhan-righ am fagus, 'nis seid suas an ealaidh,
Feuch bratach nam buadh air an ard-thur a' snamh :
Tha 'suilean a' glacadh cuairt aluinn Dhun-Chaillinn,
'S na gunnacha' m6ra 'toirt sanas do 'n bhlar ;
'Cluinn an toirm-ghair ag eiridh, o ghillean an fheilidh,
'S an iolach a meudach' air astar a chomhnard,
Tha Victoria 'us Ailbeart fo thearmann na Gaeltachd —
Buaidh chaithream gu suthainn, 6 hi, ho ro ! !
'S flathail ged 's tla, 's rioghail ged 's caoimhneil,
An ard-shuil 'tha dearcadh air trom-shreath nan laoch,
'S e ceud phears' na cruinne, is aobhar gach urram
Tha measadh fior dhilseachd fir Athall da taobh ;
€ha do sheas riamh air airich, 'thug barrachd a iohlar orra
Cruaidh, calma, deas, innealt, gun amhluadh, 's gun gho ;
5S baideal dionaidh an tras iad do Bhan-righ na Gaeltachd —
Sliochd an sinnseir a mach biodh buaidh aig na se6id.
Tha 'm pailliunn gu reachdmh6r measg boidhchid an reidhlein,
A' dealradh le seudan, 's tha chuirm air a sgaoil' ;
Tha ard ainm ar tir-bhreth, le fialachd 'Ghlinn-Libheann,
A' nochdadh gur rioghail tuath ghlinn an fhraoich ;
Tha 'n itheanaich is priseil, 's gach lios-mheas is milse,
Us beo-dhibhe na fionain a' cuartach a bhuird —
'S an t-ard-fhlath an Ceannard, aig deas laimh na Ban-righ,
'S a cheile a' Bhan-mhorair 's am Prionnsa dhi dluth.
Tha Bhan-righ a' fagail — beannachd nan Gael le',
A cuis-sa 's i 'n cuis-sa c6 theireadh no dh' fheud ;
Soraidh :s an am le, 'us soraidh do dh' Ailbeart,
Am Freasdal g' an dionadh o dhochann 's o bheud —
359 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'S o 'n tha iad air falbh uainn, air chuairt do Bhraid-Albann,
Tha Athall le fiughar beachd leanailt an curs' —
Oha di-chuimhnichear chaoidh leinn, dealas, giiilan, 'us caoimhneas,,
Victoria 'us Ailbeart ar 'n annsachd, 's ar diiil.
Deoch-slainte na Ban-righ 's a ceilc am Prionnsa
Sguab as e, gach fior Ghael le sodan 'us sunnt ;
Deoch-slainte Ghlinn-Libheann, ard cheannard fir Athall,
'S a Bhan-mhorair aluinn — ni 's fhearra gu gbrunnd ;
Agus blamaid uile, Faschoille 'us Urrard,
Bail'-na-Cille, 's an Tulaich, Ceanndrogan, 'us Leoid —
'Us olamaid le fathrum, am fior ghaisgeach an Doire ;
Deoch-slainte an fhreiceadain, 6 hi, h6 r6 !
DONNACHA MAC-G1LBKADHAIN.
Bha an t-iighdar deas-dhanach so, na mhinistear diadhaidhr
saothrachail, anns an Eaglais Shaoir 'an Glean n-Urchaidh re
cheithir bliadhna deug air fhichead. Chaochail e air an seathamh
latha fichead de December, 1871, 'nuair a bha e a dh' aois se
bliadhna deug 'us tri fichead. Bha Mr Mac-Gilleadhain fo 'n ainni
" Fior Ghael " na charaid dileas, deallasach, do 'n " Teachdaire
Gaelach " fad a reis ghoirrid. Tha 'n t-6ran maiseach a leanas, a
nochdadh " Aoibhneas a Bhroin," a mhosguil aim an cridhe an
ughdair air dha dearcadh air maisealachd tir a bhreth 'us oige —
agus theirear rium, gur ro-ainmig a chithear sealladh, a bheir
barrachd air cruth 'us ailleachd na duthcha sin.
8BALLADH O MHULLACH SHROIN-A'-CHLACHAIN AIG CILLFHINN.
Le Donnacha Mac-Gilleadhain.
'S mi 'in shuidh' air an tulaich,
Air mullach an aonaich,
Gun duine a' m' chuideachd —
Gu buileach a' m' aonar —
Tha smaointeanan iomadh
Air m' an am ag aomadh,
'Bha fada na 'n cadal ;
Ach innseam an t-aobhar.
Tha mo shuil air Loch-Tadha,
'S gach faileas is boidhche
A chi mi na broilleach
Mur chaoin uchd caomh oighe ;
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 359
Mar leanabh na chadal
'Am maduinn na h-6ige,
A ghaoth buin gu caomh ris
Mu 'n caochail a gloirmhais'.
Tha 'n sealladh 'tha 'sgaoil'
Air gach taobh agus laimh dhiom
Lan maise mar 'b' abhaist,
'S gnuis naduir gun sgraing oirr' ;
Na coilltean cho urar
'S luchd-ciuil air gach crann diubh,.
Le 'n ceileirean siubhlach —
Mo run-sa gach am iad !
Tha Dochard 'na dheannaibh,
A' teannadh ri L6chaidh,
An coinneamh a cheile,
Bean bheusach chiuin chomhnard ;
'S '11 uair thig i 'na ghlacaibh
'S a naisgear iad comhladh,
Grad threigidh a bhuirb' e
'Us striochdaidh a mh6rchuis.
Is maiseach an sealladh
Gleann-Dochard 's Gleann-L6chaidh,.
Le 'n luban, le 'n glacan,
Le 'n leacain,' le 'n comhnaird —
Le 'n sruthanan suibhlach,
Le dusluinnean boidheach,
'S an cluinnear an smudan,
Am brudhearg, 's an smebrach —
Tha iadsan gun chaochladh
'S an aogasg a b'abhaist ;
Ach c'ait 'eil a chuideachd
A chleachd a bhi 'tamh annt' ?
Tha cuid fo na leacan,
'S a chadal 'tha samhach —
A' chuid is ro phailt'
Air an sgapadh 's gach aite 1
C'ait 'eil a bhuidheann,
Bha mireagach, luaineach,
Ag iasgach nan sruthan
'S a tathaich am bruachan,
360 Gaelic Society of Inverness
A' cleasachd gu h-aotrom
Feadh raointean 'us chluaintean
Trusadh chn6 aims a choille,
'S am faighte na ruadh-bhuic !
Tha Deisheir 'na abhaist
Fo shailtibh Beinn-lamhair,
'S a ghrian air a' dearsadh
O airde nam flaitheas ;
Ach co 'chuireas failt' oirr' —
'Ni gairdeachas leatha
De 'n chuideachd a b'abhaist
Bhi 'partach de 'maitheas.
Tha smuid o thigh m' athar
A' direadh mar 'bha «j
'Na cearclaibh 's na dualaibh
Heir a dual 'us a naduir ;
Ach c'ait 'eil an t-athair
A dh' altrum mi trathail
'Us caomhag nam mnathan !
C'ait 'eil i, mo mhathair?
Chi mi 'n tigh-sgoile,
Gun mhuthadh, gun chaochladh
Ach c'ait 'eil na fiurain
A dhuisgeadh mo ghaol doibh 1
Tha 'n sgeap mar a bha i,
Ach c'ait 'eil an sgaoth ud,
Bha cnuasachd na meala,
'S bha caidireach, gaolach !
'Us clii mi an eaglais
Air lombar na sraide,
Ach c'ait eil a' chuideachd
'Ga dumhlach' mar 'b'abhaist 1
C'ait am fear-teagasg
A choisinn mo ghradh dha
'S e freagradh Mhic-talla,
" Is beag dhiubh 'tha lathair !"
Fo ghlasaibh nam fuar leac
'S an uaigh air an tasgadh,
Gus an tig an la Luain sin
'S am fuasglar a glasan,
Perthshire Gaelic Songs. 361
Tha comumi mo ghraidh
A bu bhlath learn 's bu taitneach,
'S na dh' fhagadh 'n an craobhan
Le aois air an seacadh.
•Ou h-iosal mu 'm choinneamh
'N am folach 's an dusluinn
Am fochair a cheile
Tha 'n Caisteal* 's a chruislinn; * Fionnlarig.
Tha easan 'na laraich
Na aros do 'n eunlaith,
'S iv 'm faicear ami lamh gheal
'Ni clarsach a dhnsgadh.
Threig a mhais' e gu siorruidh,
O 'n thrial iad na h-armuin,
'Tha balbh agus tosdach
Na fhochair 'us lamh ris ;
Sgal sionnsair cha duisg iad
Mur bu dugh 'us a b'abhaist ;
Is cadal am feasd doibh
Gus an tig la a bhrath orr'.
Bha iad innleachdach, teoma,
'Us gaolach air beairteas —
5Ga thorradh ri cheile
Le eucoir no ceartas ;
Ach faic mar a dh' eirich,
An treine 's an tapadh
Do 'n aog b' eiginu geilleadh,
lad fhein us an gaisgich !
Tha Cinnealla nan leomhan
'S Acha-mhor mar a bha iad,
Ach thriall na fir mhora
Rinn comhnuidh 'us tamh annt',
Chrion na stuic, shearg na fiurain
Bha urar 'us iasor ;
Tha 'choill'air a riisgadh
'S na fiuthaidh air basachd' ?
'S iomadh mugh agus caochladh
'Chi 'n aois nach bu mhian leath ,
Bheir deoir o na suilean
'S a dhuisgeas trom iarguin ;
Gaelic Society of Inverness
Chi i choill 'us an dusluinn
'S a fiuranan ciatach,
Eha nan aileagain runach
Air lubadh 's air crionadh.
Chi i 'n tigh air a rusgadh
'S an smiiid air a smaladh —
'Us tosdachd 'toirt buaidh
Far an cual i ce61 gaire ;
Leac-an-teinntein gun aiuneal
'Us smalan 's gacli aite,
'S i fhein air a dochunn
Le lot a tha basmhor.
Mile soraidh do 'n tir
Learn cinnteach bu taitneach
'Us do Chlaohan Chill-fhinn
'S do na glinn a tha 'n taic ris !
Do bheanntan cas, arda,
Gach mam agus leacain —
Tir nam fear crodha,
Bu bhoidheach fo bhreacan !
'Nis slan leis na sruthain
Mu 'm faicte an t-iasgair !
'Us slan leis na mointean
'S am faighte am fiadhach !
Slan leis na sleibhtean
'S Beinn-leimhinn, mo chiad ghradh
Slan le Braidealbann !
'S am b' ainmeil siol Dhiarmaid !
MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY.
HONORARY CHIEFTAINS.
Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bait.
Professor John Stuart Blackie, Edinburgh University
Charles Fraser-Mackmtosh of Drummond, M.P.
Colin Chisholm Namur Cottage, Inverness
Alexander Macbain, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., rector, Raining School
Inverness
William Mackay, solicitor, Inverness
Alexander Mackenzie, editor, " Scottish Highlander," Invernesa
LIFE MEMBERS.
Baillie, James E. B., of Dochfour
Bankes, P. Liot, of Letterewe
Brodie, W. A. G., 15 Rutland Square, Edinburgh
Burgess, Peter, factor for Glenmoriston, Drumnadroch.it
Campbell, Alasdair, of Kilmartin, Glen-Urquhart
Chisholm of Chisholm, 33 Tavistock Square, London
Ferguson, R. C. Munro, of Novar, M.P.
Fletcher, J. Douglas, of Rosehaugh
Fletcher, Fitzroy C., Letham Grange, Arbroath
Finlay, R. B., Q.C., Phillemore Gardens, London
Fraser-Mackintosh, Charles, of Drummond, M.P.
Fraser, Donald, of Millburn, Inverness
Grant, Ian Murray, of Glenmoriston
Jackson, Major Randle, of Swordale, Evanton
Lord Lovat, Right Hon., Beaufort Castle, Beauly
Macdonald, Lachlan, of Skaebost, Skye
Macfarlane, D. H., 46 Portman Square, London
Mackay, Donald, Gampola, Kandy, Ceylon
Mackay, George F., Roxburgh, Otago, New Zealand
Mackay, James, Roxburgh, Otago, New Zealand
Mackay, John, C.E., J.P., Reay Villa, Hereford
Mackay, John, of Ben Reay
Mackenzie, Sir Kenneth S., of Gairloch, Bart.
Mackenzie, Sir Allan R., of Kintail, Bart.
364 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Mackenzie, W. D., of Glen Kyllachy and Farr, Inverness
Maclean, L., Castle Packets, Cape Town, Africa
Mathe&on, Sir Kenneth, of Lochalsh, Bart
Scobie, Captain N., late of Fearn, Ross-shire
Sivewright, Sir James, K.C.M.G., Commissioner of Crown Lands,
Cape Colony, Africa
Yule, Miss Amy Francis, Tarradale House, Ross-shire
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Beith, Gilbert, M.P., 7 Royal Bank Place, Glasgow
Bell, Sir William J., LL.D., of Scatwell, Muir of Ord
Blair, Sheriff, Inverness
Brown, J. A. Harvie, Dunipace, Larbert
Burgess, Alexander, Caledonian Bauk,jGrairloch
Cameron, Ewen, manager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank-
ing Company, London
"Cameron, James Randal, Jacksonville, Oregon
Cameron, Sir Charles, President of the Royal College of Surgeons,
Dublin
Campbell, Duncan, editor, " Northern Chronicle," Inverness
Campbell, George Murray, Jamaica
Chisholm, Captain A. Macra, Glassburn, Strathglass
Chisholm, Duncan, Colorado Springs, U.S.A. (Ell Poso Club)
€hisholm. Roderick Gooden, 33 Tavistock Square, London
Davidson, Sheriff, of Drummond Park, Inverness
Falconer, Dr J., St Ann's, Lasswade, Midlothian
Fraser, Alexander, ex-Provost, Tigh-an-eilan, Dores Road, Inverness
Fraser, A. T. F., clothier, Church Street, Inverness
•Grant, Brigade-Surgeon Alex., Reay House, Inverness
•Grant, Hugh, 17 Douglas Row, Inverness
Grant, Ian Macpherson, yr. of Ballindalloch
Grant, John, jun., Oakbank, Glen-Urquhart
•Grant, Field-Marshal Sir Patrick, G.C.B., Chelsea, London
'Grant, Robert, Colonel, Beanachan, Inverness
Innes, Charles, solicitor, Inverness
Jolly, William, H.M. Inspector of Schools, Pollockshields, Glasgow
Lord Kyllachy, The Hon , Edinburgh
Macandrew, Sir H. C., sheriff-clerk of Inverness-shire
Macallister, Bailie T. S., Inverness
Macdonald, Alexander, 59 Neven Square, London, S.W.
Macdonald, Colonel Alexander, Portree
Macdonald, Allan, solicitor, Inverness
Members. 365
Macdonald, Andrew, solicitor, Inverness
Macdonell, ^Eneas, of Morar, 21 Rutland Square, Edinburgh
Macdougall, Miss C. E., Woodburn House, Morningside, Edin-
burgh
Macfarlane, Alex., George Hotel, Nottingham
Mackenzie, P. A. C., Rio de Janeiro
Mackenzie, Mackay D., National Provincial Bank of England,
Clifton, Bristol
Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Moyhall
Mackintosh, A. Mackintosh, 36 St James Street, Buckingham
Gate, London
Mackintosh, A. R., Balmoral House, Nairn
Mackintosh, Angus, of Holme, Palace Chambers, 9 Bridge Street
Westminster
Mackintosh, Eneas W., of Raigmore
Mackintosh, P. A., C.E., Bury, Lancashire
Macleod, Rev. Dr Norman, Ravenswood, Inverness
Macleod, Reginald, Woodhall, Juniper Green, Edinburgh
Macmillan, E. H., manager of the Caledonian Bank, Inverness
Macpherson, Colonel Ewen, of Cluny
Macpherson, Charles J. B., of Bellville, Kingussie
Macpherson, George, 8 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
Macpherson, Colonel, of Glentruim, Kingu-sie
Robertson, John L., H.M. Inspector of Schools, Inverness
Scott, Roderick, solicitor, Inverness
Sinclair, George, Caledonian Hotel, Inverness
Smith, J. M., Woodlands, Inverness
Stewart, Lieut.-Col. Charles, C.B., C.M.G., C.I.E., 51 Redcliff
Square, South Kensington, S.W.
Stewart, C. D., of Brin, Inverness
Watson, Rev. D., D.D., Beaverton, Ontario, Canada
ORDINARY MEMBERS.
Aitken, Hugh, Broom Knowe, Carmyle Avenue, Tolcross, Glasgow
Atkin, Percy H., barrister-at-law, The Temple, London
Bannerman, Hugh, 275 Lord Street, Southport
Barren, James, editor, " Inverness Courier," Inverness
Baxter, Frederick, seedsman, Inverness
Beaton, Angus J., C.E., Bank Villas, Marsden, Huddersfield
Bentinck, Rev. Chas. D., E.C. Manse, Kirkhill, Inverness
Birkbeck, Robert, 20 Berkeley Square, London
Bisset, Rev. Alexander, R.C., Nairn
366 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Black, F. A., solicitor, Inverness
Black, John, Palace Hotel, Inverness
Boyd, Thomas, bookseller, Oban
Boyne, Thomas, Courier Office, Inverness
Brodie, J. P., Glen-Albyn Hotel, Inverness
Buchanan, F. C., Clarinnish, Row, Helensburgh
'Cameron, Rev. Allan, Free East Church, Inverness
Cameron, A. H. F., Greenfield, Bath Road, Worcester
Cameron, Rev. Angus, St John's Rectory, Arpafeelie
Cameron, Colin, ironmonger, High Street, Inverness
•Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel, Achnacarry House, Fort- William
Cameron, D. M., wholesale grocer, Dempster Gardens
Cameron, D., teacher, Blarour, Spean-Bridge, Kingussie
Cameron, Dr, Nairn
Cameron, Ewen, writer, 16 St Andrew'^Square, Edinburgh
Cameron, John, S.S.C., 40 Castle Street, Edinburgh
Cameron, John, bookseller, Union Street, Inverness
Cameron, Kenneth, factor, Ullapool
Cameron, Miss M. E., of Innseagan, Fort- William
Cameron, Neil M., of D. Cameron & Co., grocers, Church Street,
Inverness
Cameron, Paul, Blair-Athole
Cameron, Rev. Alex., Sleat, Skye
Cameron, Rev. John, R.C., Beauly
Cameron, Rev. William, minister of Poolewe
Campbell, Fraser (of Fraser & Campbell), High Street, Inverness
Campbell, Sheriff, Stornoway
'Campbell, James, builder, Ardross Place, Inverness
Campbell, James Lennox, 5 Victoria Place, Broughty Ferry
Campbell, The Rev. John, Kilmore Manse, Glen-Urquhart
Campbell, John M., solicitor, Oban
Campbell, Paul, shoemaker, Castle Street, Inverness
Campbell, T. D. (of Gumming & Campbell), Inverness
Carmichael, Alexander, 29 Raeburn Place, Edinburgh
•Cesari, E., Station Hotel, Inverness
Chisholm. Rev. Alexander, R.C., Dornie, Kintail
Chisholm, C. C., 65 Kilbowie Road, Clydebank, Dumbarton
Chisholm, D. H., wine merchant, Castle Street, Inverness
Chisholm, Archibald, P.F., Lochmaddy
Chisholm, Colin, Namur Cottage, Inverness
Clark, David K., reporter, Charles Street, Inverness
Cock burn, Thomas, Royal Academy, Inverness
•Cook, James, commission agent, Inverness
Members. 367
Cook, John, commission agent, 21 Southside Road, Inverness
Cran, John, Kirkton, Bimchrew
Crerar, Alexander, merchant, Kingussie
Crerar, Duncan Macgregor, 93 Nasseu Street, New York
Oruickshanks, Dr, Nairn
Davidson, Andrew, sculptor, Inverness
Davidson, D., Waverley Hotel, Inverness
Dewar, Daniel, Beaufort
Dewar, John, M.B., C.M., Portree
Dey, Robert, M.A., Berryhill Public School, Wishaw
Dick, Mrs, Greenhill, Lower Drummond
Donaldson, Simon F., librarian, Free Library, Inverness
Ferguson, Charles, The Gardens, Fairburn, Muir of Orel
Ferguson, D. H., pipe-major, I.H.R.V., Inverness
Finlayson, Dr, Munlochy
Fiiilayson, John, rector, Farraline Park Institution, Inverness
Finlayson, John, commercial traveller, Hillside Villa, Inverness
Forbes, Duncan, of Cullodeii
Forsyth, Dr, Abernethy
Forsyth, John H., wine merchant, Inverness
Fraser, Alexander, clerk, High Street, Inverness
Fraser, ^Eneas (Innes & Mackay), Inverness
Fraser, Alex., draper, 15 Church Street
Fraser, Alexander, solicitor, Inverness
Fraser, Alexander, 37 Dumbarton Road, Glasgow
Fraser, Alexander, grocer, Tomnahurich Street, Inverness
Fraser, Alexander, city editor, Toronto Mail, Toronto
Fraser, A. R., South Africa
Fraser, Miss Catherine, 42 Union Street, Inverness
Fraser, D. Munro, H.M. Inspector of Schools, Glasgow
Fraser, Donald F., 4 Elphinston Place, Glasgow
Fraser, Hugh, Arrnadale Cottage, Greig Street, Inverness
Fraser, Hugh, Foyers Cottage, Attadale Road, Inverness
Fraser, Dr Hugh E., Northern Infirmary, Inverness
Fraser, James, C.E., Inverness
Fraser, James, Mauld, Strathglass
Fraser, John, draper, 80 High Street, Nairn
Fraser, Roderick, contractor, Argyle Street, Inverness
Fraser, William, School Board officer, Upper Kessock Street
Galloway, George, chemist, Inverness
Gauld, S. W. C., banker, Balmacara
Gillanders, K. A., grocer, Queensgate, Inverness
Gillanders, John, teacher, Denny
•**68 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Gillies, Norman, governor, Poorhouse, Lochmaddy
Gillies, William, 16 Mountgrove Road, Highbury, London, W.
Glass, C. C., 122 North Street, St Andrews
Gow, James Mackintosh, F.S.A. Scot., Union Bank, Hunter's.
Square, Edinburgh
Grant, George Macpherson, The Castle, Ballindalloch
Grant, Rev. J., E.G. Manse, Kilmuir, Skye
Grant, James, commercial traveller, Arthur <fc Co., Glasgow
Grant, Dr Ogilvie, Inverness
Grant, Rev. Donald, Domoch
Grant, J. B., factor and commissioner for Mrs Chisholm of
Chisholm, Erchless
Grant, F. W., Mary hill, Inverness
Grant, William, Secretary, Sun Fire Office, Manchester
Gray, James, slater, Inverness
Gray, John, T., Rosehaugh House, Forffose
Gunn, Rev. Adam, Durness, Lairg.
Gunn, John, F.R.P.S., F.R.S.G.S., The Geographical Institute, Park
Road, Edinburgh
Henderson, John, factor for Rosehaugh, Fortrose
Holmes, T., 15 New Alma Road, Ports wood, Southampton
Holt, John B., Abbey School, Fort-Augustus
Hood, John, secretary English and Scottish Law Life Association,.
Edinburgh
Hood, Thomas, chemist, 11 Broad Street, Bristol
Home, John, Victoria Terrace, Inverness
Horrigan, J. E., collector of Inland Revenue, Inverness
Jerram, C. S., Preyot House, Petworth
Keeble, T., of Morel Bros., -Church Street, Inverness
Kemp, D. William, Ivy, Lodge, Trinity, Edinburgh
Kenard, Cecil, Sconser Lodge, Skye
Kennedy, Ewen, Newtonmore, Kingussie
Kennedy, Rev. John, Caticol Manse, Lochranza, Arran
Kerr, Dr, Inverness
Kerr, Rev. Cathel, Strathpeffer, by Dingwall
Kerr, Thomas, agent, North of Scotland Bank, Inverness
Lawrence, William, Swordale, Evan ton
Lindsay, W. M., Jesus College, Oxford
Livingston, Colin, Fort- William
Logan, Donald, Public School, Broadford
Logan, James, Music Saloon, Church Street, Inverness
Lumsden, Miss Louisa Innes, Glenbogie, Rhynie, Aberdeenshira
Macaulay, A. N., Cumberland Street, Edinburgh
Members. 369
Macbain, Alexander, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., rector, Raining's School,
Inverness
Macbean, William, ex-Bailie, 35 Union Street, Inverness
Macbean, George, writer, Queensgate, Inverness
Macbean, James, jeweller, Union Street, Inverness
Macbean, Lachlan, editor, "Fifeshire Advertiser," Kirkcaldy
Macbeth, R. J., architect, Queensgate, Inverness
Maccallum, Henry V., solicitor, Queensgate, Inverness
Maccallum, John, builder, Fort-William
Maccowan, Rev. J., Cromdale
Macdonald, Professor A. G., Truro, Nova Scotia
Macdonald, Alex., Audit Office, Highland Railway, Inverness
Macdonald, Alex., Station Hotel, Forres
Macdonald, Alexander, 62 Tomnahurich Street, Inverness
Macdonald, Rev. Alex., Killearnan, North Kessock
Macdonald, Rev. Allan, R.C., Dalibrog, North Uist
Macdonald, Charles, Knocknageal, by Inverness
Macdonald, Rev. Charles, Mingarry, Loch Shiel, Salen
Macdonald, David, St Andrew's Street, Aberdeen
Macdonald, D., Inland Revenue officer, Viewforth House, Cellar-
dyke, Fifeshire
Macdonald, Dr D., Glen-Urquhart
Macdonald, Dr G. G., 26 King Street, Aberdeen
Macdonald, Councillor Donald, Inverness
Macdonald, Ewen, Badchro, Gairloch
Macdonald, Hugh, 20 Chapel Street, Inverness
Macdonald, Hugh, Audit Office, Highland Railway, Inverness
Macdonald, James, builder contractor, Kingussie
Macdonald, James, hotel-keeper, Fort- William
Macdonald, John, banker, Buckie
Macdonald, Thomas, builder, Hilton, Inverness
Macdonald, Donald, flesher, Union Street, Inverness
Macdonald, D. C., solicitor, Aberdeen
Macdonald, Rev. James, M.A., B.D., F.C., Manse, Dornoch
Macdonald, John, collector, Inland Revenue, Somerset House,
London
Macdonald, John, wholesale merchant, Castle Street, Inverness
Macdonald, John, chief constable, Inverness
Macdonald, John, Loch Ericht Hotel, Dalvvhinnie
Macdonaid, Kenneth, town-clerk, Inverness
Macdonald, L., C. and M. engineer, Altoona, Pennsylvania, U.S.A.
Macdonald, T. D., sub-manager, National Liberal Club, London
Macdonald, William, sheriff-clerk-deptite, Inverness
24
370 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Macdonald, William, contractor, George Street, Inverness
Macdougall, Rev. R., Resolis Invergordon
Macfarlane, Peter, chemist, Fort-William
Macgillivray, Finlay, solicitor, Inverness
Macgregor, Alexander, solicitor, Inverness
Macgregor, John, Duncraig Villa, Fail-field Road, Inverness
Macgregor, Peter, M.A., Ballachulish
Machardy, Alex., chief constable, The Castle, Inverness
Machines, Malcolm, Raining's School, Inverness
Macintyre Malcolm, Fort-William
Macintyre, P. B., Commissioner, Crofters' Commission
Macintyre, Peter, 6 Parliament Square, Edinburgh
Macintosh, Rev. John, Free Church Manse, Fort-William.
Maciver, Duncan, Church Street, Inverness
Mackay, ^Eneas, bookseller, Stirling ^
Mackay, Charles, contractor, Dempster Gardens, Inverness
Mackay, Donald, Braemore, Dunbeath
Mackay, Francis D., Bank of British Columbia, London
Mackay, Thomas, 40 Henderson Row, Edinburgh
Mackay, Rev. Thomson, B.D., Strath, Skye
Mackay, William, solicitor, Queensgate, Inverness
Mackay, William, bookseller, High Street, Inverness
Mackay, William, contractor, Dempster Gardens, Inverness
Mackenzie, Mrs, Silverwells, Inverness
Mackenzie, Alexander, editor, *" Scottish Highlander," Inverness.
Mackenzie, ex-Bailie Alexander, Silverwells, Inverness
Mackenzie, A. C., teacher, Maryburgh, Dingwall
Mackenzie, Andrew, ironmonger, Alness
Mackenzie, Colin C., F.C. Manse, Fasnakyle
Mackenzie, Evan N. B., yr. of Kilcoy
Mackenzie, Dr F. M., Inverness
Mackenzie, Hector Rose, solicitor, Inverness
Mackenzie, John, grocer, I Greig Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, John, agent, Commercial Bank, Inverness
Mackenzie, John, gamedealer, £c., Union Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, John, jun., Dunvegan, Portree
Mackenzie, Murdo, Inland Revenue, Ben-View, Conon-Bridge
Mackenzie, M. T., M.B. £ C.M., Scalpaig, Lochmaddy
Mackenzie, N. B., banker, Fort- William
Mackenzie, W., manager, Moyhall
Macintosh, Rev. John, Free Church Manse, Fort- William
Mackenzie, William, secretary, Crofters' Commission
Mackenzie, William, clothier, Bridge Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, Dr D. J., M.A., Silverwells, Inverness
Members. 371
Mackhmon, Alexander D., solicitor, Portree
Mackinnon, Hector, British Linen Co. Bank, Inverness
Mackintosh, Andrew, H.M. Customs, Leith
Mackintosh, ^Eneas, The Doune, Daviot
Mackintosh, Duncan, Bank of Scotland, Inverness
Mackintosh, Hugh, ironmonger, Inverness
Mackintosh, Neil, yr., of Raigmore
Mackintosh, Rev. A., Chapel House, Fort-William
Mackintosh, Lachlan, merchant, Kingussie
Mackintosh, R. L., wine merchant, Bridge Street, Inverness
Mackintosh, William, Druminuir Estate Office, Keith
Maclachlau, Dugald, Caledonian Bank, Portree
Maclachlaii, Duncan, Public Library, Edinburgh
Maclean, Rev. D., Duirinish, Portree
Maclean, Peter, solicitor, Lochmaddy
Maclean. Peter, merchant, Dun vegan
Macleay, William, birdstuffer, Church Street, Inverness
Macleish, D., banker, Fort- William
Maclennan, Alex., flesher, New Market, Inverness
Maclennan, John, Estate Office, Stornoway
Maclennan, John, Bilbster Public School, Wick
Maclennan, Dr John, Milton, Glen-Urquhart
Maclennan, Rev. D. S., Laggan, Kingussie
Macleod, D., H.M. Inspector of Schools, Inverness
Macleod, G. G., teacher, Gledfield Public School, Ardgay
Macleod, Henry Dunning, Oxford and Cambridge Club, London
Macleod, John, Public School, Drumsmittal, North Kessock
Macleod, Murdo, 37 Chamber Street, Edinburgh
Macleod, Neil, 22 Viewforth Gardens, Edinburgh, Bard to the
Society
Macmichael, the Rev. Duncan, Duncansburgh, Fort-William
Macnee, James, M.D., Inverness
Macnish, Rev. Dr. Cornwall, Ontario, Canada
Macphail, Alex., Forbes Field, Great Western Road, Aberdeen
Macphail, I. R. N,, advocate, Edinburgh
Macphail, Rev. J. S., Free Church Manse, Griminish, Benbecula
Macpherson, Alex., solicitor, Kingussie
Macpherson, Alexander, 1 Laurieston Terrace, Edinburgh
Macpherson, Campbell, Bandon Co., Cork, Ireland
Macpherson, Captain, J. F., Caledonian United Service Club,
Edinburgh
Macpherson, Duncan, steamboat agent, Union Street, Inverness
Macpherson, Duncan, Inverguseran, Knoydart
372 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Macpherson, George, Scottish Widows' Fund, St Andrew's Square,
Edinburgh
Macpherson, John, The Hotel, Ullapool
Macpherson, Alex., grocer, Tnglis Street, Inverness
Macqueen, Rev. John, Chapel House, Inverness
Macqueen, William, Baron Taylor's Lane, Inverness
Macrae, Rev. Farquhar, M.A., E.G. Manse, Invergarry
Macrae, Rev. A., Free Church Manse, Clachan, Kintyre
Macrae, R., postmaster, Beauly
Macrae, John, solicitor, Dingwall
Macrae, John, M.D., Craigville, Laggan, Kingussie
Macrae, Kenneth, Dayville, Grant County, Oregon
Macritchie, A. J., solicitor, Inverness
Macrury, Rev. John, Snizort, Skye
Mactavish, Alexander, Ironmonger, Castie Street, Inverness
Mactavish, Duncan, High Street, Inverness
Mactavish, P. D., solicitor, Inverness
Macvean, C. S., Kilfinichen House, Pennyghael, Mull
Masson, Rev. Donald, M.D., 57 Albany Place, Edinburgh
Matheson, Dr Farquhar, Soho Square, London
Matheson, Gilbert, draper, Inverness
Matheson, R. F., factor, Tarbert, by Portree
Maxwell, Thomas Edward Hall, of Dargavel, Dunolly, Inverness
Medlock, Arthur, Bridge Street, Inverness
Menzies, Duncan, farmer, Blairich, Rogart
Miller, E. T., Fort-William
Miller, Dr, Belford Hospital, Fort-William
Mitchell, Captain, Georgefield, Uddingston, Glasgow
Mitchell, William, draper, Fort- William
Moir, Dr, High Street, Inverness
Morgan, Arthur, 6 Parliament Square, Edinburgh.
Morrison, Hew, Free Library, Edinburgh
Morrison, John M., Stornoway
Mortimer, John, 344 Great Western Road, Aberdeen
Munro, Rev. Robert, B.D., Old Kilpatrick, near Glasgow
Munro, William, bookseller, Petty Street, Inverness
Murdoch, John, Horton Cottage, Uddingstone
Murray, Francis, The Lodge, Portree
Murray, James, M.D., Inverness
Nairne, David, sub-editor, " Northern Chronicle "
Nicolson, Donald, Primrose Cottage, Uig, Portree
Neil, R. A., Fellow of Pembroke College, Cambridge
Noble, John, bookseller, Castle Street, Inverness
Members. 373
O'Hara, Thomas, Inspector of National Schools, Portarlington
Ireland
O'Growney, Professor Eugene, Maynooth College, Ireland
Poison, A", Public School, Dunbeath
Ritchie, Rev. R. L., Creich, Sutherlandshire
Robertson, Rev. Duncan, The Manse, Tarbert, Lochfyne
Robertson, John, Tartan Warehouse, Fort-William
Robertson, Ossian, banker, Stornoway
Robson, A. Mackay, Constitution Street, Leith
Roddie, W. S., music teacher, Southside Road, Inverness
Ross, A. M., editor, " The North Star," Dingwall
Ross, Provost Alex., Inverness
Ross, Hugh, V.S., Union Road, Inverness
Ross, James, solicitor, Inverness
Ross, James, hotelkeeper, Broadford, Skye
Ross, John, procurator-fiscal, Stornoway
Ross, Bailie Jonathan, Inverness
Sharp, D., 81 Scott Street, Garnethill, Glasgow
Shaw, James T., Gordonbush, Brora
Shirres, George Buchan, Fellow of Trinity Hall, Cambriige
Simpson, George B., Broughty-Ferry
Sinclair, Rev. A. Maclean, Belfast, Prince Edward's Island
Sinclair, Rev. Colin, Kirkhill
Sinton, Rev. Thomas, Dores, Inverness
Skene, Lawrence, Portrec
Smart, P. H., drawing-master, Inverness
Spalding, William C. Adampore, South Syltet, India
Steele, A. F., agent, Bank of Scotland, Inverness
Stewart, Colin J., Dingwall
Stewart, A. J., grocer, Union Street
Strachan, Professor, Marple, Cheshire
Strachan, R. R., H.M. Inspector of Schools, Inverness
Strickland, Robert, Clutha Cottage, Kenneth Street
Stuart, ex-Bailie W. G., Inverness
Sutherland, George Miller, solicitor, Wick
Sutherland, The Rev. George, Beauly
Sutherland, Hector, town-clerk, Wick
Sutherland, John, rector, Andersonian Institution, Forres
Swan, Cameron Lauriston, Bromley, Kent
Thompson, Colin, American Exchange Bank, Duluth, Minn., U.S.A.
Thomson, Hugh, stockbroker, Inverness
Thomson, Rev. R. W., Fodderty, Strathpeffer
Urquhart, Donald, Public School, Staffin, Portree
374 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Urquhart, Robert, jun., solicitor, Forres
Wallace, Thomas, rector, High School, Inverness
Warren, John, accountant, British Linen Co. Bank, Kingussie
Whyte, David, photographer, Church Street, Inverness
Whyte, Duncan, live-stock agent, 226 Duke Street, Glasgow
Whyte, John, " Leader" Office, Edinburgh
Wilson, George, S.S.C., 20 Young Street, Edinburgh
DECEASED MEMBERS.
Gunn, William, draper, Inverness
Jamieson, Walter, Glenarm Co., Ireland
Mackenzie, John, Spylair Road, Edinburgh
Moir, Dr F. M., Aberdeen
Nicolson, Alex., M.A., LL.D., Sheriff-Substitute of Greenock
T\yeedmouth, The Right Hon. Lord, Gtiisachan, Inverness-shire
LIST OF BOOKS
IN
THE SOCIETY'S LIBRARY.
NAMES OF BOOKS.
Ossian's Poems (H. Society's edition, )
Gaelic and Latin), 3 vols. . . j
Smith's Gaelic Antiquities
Smith's Seann Dana ....
Highland Society's Report 011 Ossian's
Poems ......
Stewart's Sketches of the Highlands, 2 vols
Skene's Picts and Scots ....
Dain Osiein Mhic Fhinn .
Macleod's Oran Nuadh Gaelach
An Teachdaire Gaelach, 1829-30
Oarew's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland .
Orain Ghilleasbuig Ghrannd, two copies .
Council's Reul-eolas ....
Maclauchlan's Celtic Gleanings
Maclauchlan's Early Scottish Church
The Dean of Lismore's Book .
Macleod and Dewar's Gaelic Dictionary .
Highland Society's do., 2 vols.
Ritson's Caledonians, Picts and Scots
Dr Walker's Hebrides, 2 vols .
•Campbell's Language, Poetry, and Music
of the Highland Clans
Macnicol's Remarks on Dr Johnston's Tour
in the Hebrides ....
Somers' Letters from the Highlands
DONOR.
Colonel Mackenzie
of Parkmount
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Mr W. Mackay
Mr Charles Mackay
ditto
Rev. Dr Maclauchlan
ditto
ditto
ditto
Sir Ken. S. Mackenzie
of Gairloch, Bart,
ditto
ditto
Mr John Murdoch
ditto
ditto
376 Gaelic Society of Inverness,
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONOU.
Cameron's Chemistry of Agriculture . Mr John Murdoch
Sketches of Islay ..... ditto
Cameron's History of Skye . . . ditto
Kennedy's Bardic Stories of Ireland . ditto
Micky's Agricultural Class Book . . ditto
Orain Ghaelach Mhic Dhunlcibhe . . ditto
The Wolf of Badenoch .... ditto
Familiar Illustrations of Scottish Life . ditto
Antiquity of the Gaelic Language . . ditto
The Dauntless Red Hugh of Tyrconnell . ditto
The Kilchomaii People Vindicated . . ditto
Caraid a' Ghaidheil — Sermon . . . ditto
Highland Clearances the Cause of High-
land Famines . ^ ditto
Co-operative Associations . . ditto
Lecture ..... ditto
Review of " Eight Days in Islay " . ditto
Gold Diggings in Sutherland . ditto
Review of Language of Ireland . ditto
Highland Character . . dittc
An Teachdaire Gaelach, 1829-30 . . ditto
The Scottish Regalia .... ditto
Campbell's West Highland Talcs, 4 vols . Mr Alex. Mackenzie
Bliadhna Thearlaich .... ditto
Macfarlane's Collection of Gaelic Poems . Miss Hood
Old Gaelic Bible (partly MSS.) . . J. Mackenzie, M.D.,
of Eileanach
MacHale's, Archbishop, Irish Pentateuch . Canon Bourke
Irish Translation of Moore's Melodies . ditto
The Bull " Ineffabilis " (Latin, English,
Gaelic, and French) .... ditto
Celtic Language and Dialects . . . ditto
Bourke's Irish Grammer . . . . ditto
Bourke's Easy Lessons in Irish . . ditto
Mackenzie's Beauties of Gaelic Poetry . Rev. W. Ross, Glas-
gow
Mac-Crimmon's Piobaireachd . . . Rev. A. Macgregor
Stratton's Gaelic Origin of Greek and Latin ditto
( Jaelic Translation of Apocrypha (by Rev.
A. Macgregor) .... ditto
Buchanan's Historia Scotise . . . Mr William Mackay
The Game Laws, by R. G. Tolmie . . ditto
Library.
377
NAMES OF BOOKS.
St James's Magazine, vol. i. .
Fingal (edition 1762)
Collection of English Poems (2 vols.)
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue
Scoto-Celtic Philology
Dana Oisein (Maclauchlan's edition).
Munro's Gaelic Primer . . .
M 'Alpine's Gaelic Dictionary .
M'Pherson's Duanaire ....
Munro'.s Gaelic Grammar
Grain Mhic-an-t-Saoir .
Grain Uilleim Ross ,
Ceithir Searmoinean, le Dr Dewar .
Carsewell's Prayer Book (Gaelic)
Scots' Magazine (1757) ....
History of the Rebellion, 1745-46 .
Welsh Bible
Gld Gaelic New Testament
Adhamh agus Eubh (Adam and Eve)
- Gld Gaelic Bible
Grain Ailein Dughallaich
Macpherson's Poem's of Gssian
An Gaidheal for 1873 .
Grain, cruinnichte le Mac-an-Tuainear
The Gospels, in eight Celtic dialects
Eraser of Knockie's Highland Music
The Clan Battle at Perth, by Mr A. M.
Shaw
The Scottish Metrical Psalms .
Sailm Dhaibhidh Ameadreachd (Ed. 1659)
Biographical Dictionary of Eminent
Scotsmen (9 vols.) .
Grain Ghilleasbuig Grannd
Clarsach nan Beann . . ...
Fulangas Chriost . '.. . / . ' •
Dain Spioradail . ... . .
DONOR.
Mr Mackay, book-
seller, Inverness
C. Eraser-Mackintosh,
Esq., M.P.
Mr D. Mackintosh
Mr D. Maciver
Lord Neaves, liL.D.\
F.R.S.E.
Maclachlan & Stewart
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Purchased
Mr A. Macbean
Mr D. Mackintosh
Mr L. Mackintosh
Mr L. Macbeau
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
The Publishers
Mr A. Mackintosh
Shaw, London
Mr J. Mackay, J.P.^
Hereford
Mr Mackenzie, Bank
Lane, Inverness
The Author
Mr J. Fraser, Glasgow
^Mr A. R. Macraild,
Inverness
Mr J. Craigie, Dundee
ditto,
ditto,
ditto.
378 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONOR.
Spiritual Songs (Gaelic and English) . Mr J. Craigie, Dundee
Alexander Macdonald's Gaelic Poems . ditto
Grain Mhic-an-t-Saoir .... ditto
Leabhar nan Ceist . . . . ditto
Co-eigneachadh Soisgeulach (Boston) . ditto
History of the Druids (Toland's) . . ditto
Melodies from the Gaelic .... ditto
Maclean's History of the Celtic Language. ditto
Leabhar Sailm ditto
Origin and descent of the Gael . . ditto
Stewart's Gaelic Grammar . . . ditto
Macpherson's Caledonian Antiquities
(1798) ditto
Biboul Noimbh (London, 1855) . ^ . ditto
Searmona Mhic-Dhiarmaid . . . ditto
Dain Oisein ...... ditto
Fingal (1798) ditto
Life of Columba (1798) .... ditto
Grain Roib Dhuinn Mhic-Aoidh . . ditto
Dain leis an Urr. I. Lees . . . ditto
Searmons leis an Urr. E. Blarach . . ditto
Eaglais na h-Alba, leis an Urr A. Clare,
Inbhirnis ..... ditto
Bourke's Aryan Origin of the Gaelic Race Mr J. Mackay, Here-
ford
Reid's Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica . . ditto
Munro's Gaelic Primer (3 copies in library) Purchased
Eachdraidh ria h-Alba, le A. MacCoinnich
(3 copies) ..... The Author.
Dain Ghailig leis an Urr. I. Lees . . Rev. Dr Lees, Paisley
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue, by
Professor Geddes (1872) . . . The Author
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue (1873) ditto
Poems by Ossian, in metre (1796) . . Mr Alex. Kennedy,
Bohuntin
Proceedings of the Historical and Archseo-
logical Association of Ireland
(1870-86) ..... The Society
Shaw's Gaelic Dictionary (1780) . . Rev. A. Macgregor.
History of the Culdees, Maccallum's. . ditto
Macdiarmid's Gaelic Sermons (MS. 1773). ditto
"Gaelic Grammar, Irish character (1808) . Rev. A. Macgregor
Library. 379
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONOR
Gaelic Pentateuch, Irish character . . Rev. A. Macgregor
Gaelic Book of Common Prayer (1819) . ditto
Gaelic Psalter, Irish character . . . ditto
Transactions of the Gaelic Society of
Inverness, 13 vols. .
Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica
Grain le Rob Donn ....
Leabhar Oraii Gaidhealach
Vible Casherick, Manx ....
Biobla Naomtha, Irish ....
Dr Smith's Seann Dana ....
Evan's Welsh Grammar and Vocabulary .
Grain Uilleim Ros .....
Grain Dhonnacha Bhain ....
Go-chruinneachadh Grain Ghailig
Book of Psalms, Irish
Grain Nuadh Ghaidhealach, le A. Mac
dhomhnuill ....
Laoidhean o'n Sgriobtuir, D. Dewar .
Leabhar Gran Gailig ....
Am Biobla Naomtha (1690) .
The Family of lona
Grant's Origin and Descent of the Gael .
Rathad Dhe gu Sith ....
Dain Spioradail, Urr. I. Griogalach .
Dara Leabhar airson nan Sgoileaii Gaidh-
ealach ......
Treas Leabhar do. do
What Patriotism, Justice, and Christianity
demand for India ....
Grain Ghaidhealach ....
Priolo's Illustratons from Gssian . . Purchased
Photograph of Gaelic Charter, 1408. . Rev. W. Ross, Glas-
gow
The Celtic Magazine, vol. i. . . The Publishers
Do., vols. ii. to xi. .... Purchased
Elementary Lessons in Gaelic . . . The Author
Stewart's Gaelic Grammar . . . Mr D. Mackintosh
Irish Pedigrees, by G'Hart . ... The Author
Dan an Deirg agus Tiomna Ghuill (Eng-
lish Translation), 2 copies . . Mr C. S. Jerram.
Gaelic and English Vocabulary (1741) . Rev. A. Macgregor
380 Gaelic Society of Inverness,
NAMES OP BOOKS. DONOR.
Aryan Origin of the Celtic Race and \ Mr John Mackay,
Language ] Hereford
Old Map of Scotland (1746) . . . Mr Colin M'Callum,
London
Collection of Harp Music . . .Mr Charles Fergusson.
Valuation Roll of the County of Inverness
(1869-70) ditto
Do. do. Ross (1871-72) . ditto
Inverness Directory (1869-70) . . ditto
Greek Testament ..... ditto
Greek Lexicon ..... ditto
Gospel of St John adapted to the Hamil-
tonian System (Latin) . . . ditto
Historic de Gil Bias de Santillane (French) ditto
Prophecies of the Brahan Seer, 2nd edition Mr A. Mackenzie
My Schools and Schoolmasters . . Mr James Reid
Gaelic Etymology of the English Language
Dr Charles Mackay . . . . J. Mackay, Swansea
The Highland Echo • Purchased
The Highland Newspaper, complete, 4
volumes ...... Purchased
Hebrew — Celtic Affinity, Dr Stratton . The Author
Illustrations of Waverley. published for ) ,T. « T, v
. ,. •" £ ,. ( Miss Fraser, tarralme
the Royal Association for Promoting , ,,.„ K ' . ,
the Fine Arts in Scotland (1865) . )
Illustrations of Heart of Midlothian, do.
do (1873) ditto
Illustrations of the Bride of Lammermuir,
do. do. (1875) ditto
Illustrations of Red Gauntlet, do. do. (1876) ditto
Illustrations of the Fair Maid of Perth . ditto
Illustrations of the Legend of Montrose . ditto
Gunn on the Harp in the Highlands . Miss Cameron of Inn-
seagan
English Translation of Buchanan's "Latha \
'Bhreitheanais," by the Rev. J. j-Translator
Sinclair, Kinloch-Rannoch (1880) . )
An t-Oranaiche, compiled by Archibald
Sinclair (1880) .... Compiler
Danaibh Spioradail, <kc., le Seumas Mac- \ A. Maclean, coal mer*
Bheathain, Inverness (1880) . . J chant, Inverness.
Macdiarmid's Sermons in Gaelic (1804) . Colin MacCallum,
London
Library.
381
NAMES OF BOOKS.
Bute Docks, Cardiff, by John M'Connachie,
C.E. (1876) ....
•Observacions on the Present State of the \
Highlands, by the Earl of Selkirk
(1806) . . )
•Collection of Gaelic Songs, by Ranald |
Macdonald (1806) . .
Mary Mackellar's Poems and Songs (1880)
Dr O'Gallagher's Sermons in Irish (1877) .
John Hill Burton's History of Scotland)
(9 vols.) . . . . . . j
Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland
(2 vols.) . ...
A Genealogical Account of. the Highland \
Families of Shaw, by A. Mackintosh
Shaw (1877) . . )
History of the Clan Chattan, by A.
Mackintosh Shaw (1880) .
Leabhair an t-Sean Tiomna air na^
dtarruing on Teanguidh Ughdar-
rach go Gaidhlig tre churam agus
saothar an doctur Uiliam Bhedel,
Roimhe so Easpog Chillemhorie 'n
Erin (1830) ,
Edmund Burke's Works, 8 vols.
Land Statistics of Inverness, Ross, and )
Cromarty in the Year 1871, by H. C. >
Fraser )
Church of Scotland Assembly Papers —
The Poolewe Case ....
Ossian's Fingal rendered into Heroic)
Verse, by Ewen Cameron (1777) . j
Ossian's Fingal rendered into verse by
Archibald Macdonald (1808) .
Clarsach an Doire — Gaelic Poems, by
Neil Macleod .....
MacDiarmid's Gaelic Sermons .
Leabhar Commun nan Fior Ghael — The
Book of the Club of True Highlanders
DONOR.
The Author.
John Mackay, J.P.,
Hereford
F. C. Buchanan, Clarin-
nish, Row, Helens-
burgh
The Author.
John Mackay, J.P.,
Hereford
L. Macdonald of
Skaebost
ditto
• The Author
The Author
A. R. MacRaild, In-
verness
Mr Colin Chisholm.
The Author
Mr W. Mackenzie
A. H. F. Cameron,
Esq. of Lakefield
ditto
The Author
Mr Colin MacCallum,
London
Purchased
382 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAMES OF BOOKS. DON OH.
Grammar of the Gaelic Language (Irish),
by E. O'C. Mr H. C. Fraser
Esquisse de la Religion des Gaulois. Par
M. Henri Gaidoz. 1879 . . . M. Gaidoz
Notice sur les Inscriptions Latines de
Tlrlande. Par M. Henri Gaidoz.
1878 M. Gaidoz
Melusine Recueil de Mythologie, &c. Par
MM. Gaidoz et Rolland. 1878 . M. Gaidoz
Guide to Sutherlandshire, by Hew Morrison The Author
Transactions of the Royal National Eist- \ Mr J. Mackay, J.P.,,
eddfod of Wales . . . . J Hereford
Bute Docks, Cardiff, by J. Macconnachie,
M.I.C.E. . . . , . * . The Author
In Memoriam — Earl of Seafield . . The Dovvager-Count-
ess of Seafield
Past and Present Position of the Skye \ L. Macdonald of Skae-
Crofters . . . . . . / bost
American Journal of Philology
Revue Celtique, vol. VI., No. 3 . . M. Gaidoz
Notes on St Clement s Church, Rowdill,
Harris ...... Mr A. Ross, Inverness.
Notes on Clan Chattau Names . . J. Macpherson, M.D.
The Proverbs of Wales . . . .Mr J. Mackay, J.P.,
Hereford
J. D. Dixon's Gairloch .... Mr A. Burgess, banker,.
Gairloch
Struan's Poems . . . . . Mr A. Kennedy
The Writings of Eola .... Mr John Mackay of
Ben Reay
The Proverbs of Wales, by T. R. Roberts . Mr J. Mackay, J.P.,.
Hereford
An Old Scots Brigade, by John Mackay,
Herrisdale ditto
Cromb's Highland Brigade . . •. ditto
Glossary of Obscure Words in Shakespeare
and his Contemporaries, by Dr Chas.
Mackay ...... ditto
Pococke's Tour in Scotland, issued by the ^ Mr D. William Kemp,
Historical Society of Scotland . . \ Edinburgh
Walcott's Scottish Church . '..: . Mr A. Burgess, Gair-
loch
Library. 383
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONOR.
Dick Lauder's Highland Legends . . Mr A. Burgess, Gair-
loch
Book of Scottish Story . . . ' ... ditto
Stuart Papers ..... ditto
The Constitution and Bye-Laws of the) Mr John Mackay of
Scots Charitable Society of Boston . ) Ben Reay
Notes on Early Iron Smelting in Suther-{ Mr D. William Kemp,
land ..... j Edinburgh
Artificial Lighting ..... ditto
The Mountain Heath, by David Macdonald Mr A. H. F. Cameron
of Lakefield
Oratio Dominica . . . • . Mr John Mackay, J.P.,
Hereford
Old Testament in the Irish Language, Mr Paul Cameron,
by Dr William Bedel, 1685 . . Blair-Athole
The Hermit in Edinburgh . . Dr Cameron, Liverpool
The History of the Macleans, by Professor
J.P.Maclean. . .
Fingal's Cave, Staffa, 2 vols., by Professor \ ,.
J. P. Maclean (
The Reay Fencibles . I Mr J°£n M^ay, J.P,
j Hereford
Reliquiae Celtics). Vol. I. — Ossianica, \
with Memoir of Dr Cameron. Edited f rm i--,^
T- AT A AT 1 • AT 4 ' 1 116 EaltOl'S
by Mr A. Macbain, M.A., and Rev. i
John Kennedy . . . . j
The Elements of Banking. By Henry 1 mi
Dunning Macleod . . ' Jj The Author
John Laurie, an Eccentric Sutherland ) m,
Dominie. By D.W.Kemp . J The Author
Irish New Testament . Dr Cameron, Wor-
cester
Report of the Worcester Diocesan Archi- \ ,.
tectural and Archaeological Society . J
Manuscript Collection of Music. By John ) ,.
Anderson, musical master, Inverness . /
Place Names of Scotland, by Rev. Mr
Johnston ...... Mr W. A. G. Brodie
The Christian Doctrine, by the Archbishop
of Tuam Mr Colin Grant, Balti-
more
384 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONOR.
Light of Britinna — Druidic Mysteries, by Mr JohnMackay,J.P.,
Owen Morgan, B.B.D. (Morien) . Hereford
Reliquse Celticse. Vol. II. — Dr Cameron's. )
Edited by Mr A. Macbain, M. A., and V The Editors
Rev. John Kennedy. . . . )
History of Urquhart and Glenmoriston,
by William Mackay . . . The Author
History of the Mackenzies, 2nd Edition,
by Alex. Mackenzie . . . The Author
PB
1501
G3
v.18
Gaelic Society of Inverness
Transactions
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